In the heart of Mexico City, the Zócalo is set to become the stage for a pivotal celebration on December 6, 2025, as President Claudia Sheinbaum calls on citizens to commemorate seven years since the beginning of the Fourth Transformation (4T). According to El Universal, Sheinbaum’s invitation is more than a festive rally; it’s a reaffirmation of her administration’s core belief: “in Mexico, the people rule.” She emphasized, “Let’s be together once again saying: in Mexico, the people rule, in Mexico there are governments of the people, by the people, and for the people of Mexico, and only the people of Mexico can say that. That’s why we say: with the people, everything; without the people, nothing.”
This anniversary arrives at a time when Sheinbaum’s leadership is both celebrated for its achievements and tested by internal and external pressures. The Fourth Transformation, initiated by her predecessor Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), has brought sweeping changes that Sheinbaum is eager to highlight. She proudly cites that 13.5 million Mexicans have been lifted out of poverty during this period, and 32 million families now benefit directly from Programs and Scholarships for Well-being—rights enshrined in the Mexican Constitution. The minimum wage has seen a staggering 125 percent increase, inflation remains in check, the peso is strong, and foreign direct investment has reached historic highs, as reported by El Universal.
But Sheinbaum’s vision for transformation extends beyond economics. On November 28, 2025, she launched the ‘Mujeres del Maíz’ program to revalue the image of Malintzin (La Malinche) and, by extension, all indigenous women in Mexico. Senator Ana Lilia Rivera Rivera lauded this initiative, noting its alignment with her own 2021 Senate proposal aimed at eradicating the historical stigmatization of Malintzin. Rivera explained during her legislative report in Tlaxcala, Zacatelco, and Apizaco that the program would include cultural activities, forums, debates, dance, colloquiums, and media campaigns to recognize Malintzin’s role as an indigenous translator and a bridge between peoples. Both leaders argue that reclaiming Malintzin’s image is not just about historical accuracy but about fighting the racism, classism, and machismo that have long marginalized indigenous women. Rivera stated, “The vision of Malintzin as a ‘traitor’ is outdated. She was an enslaved woman who spoke several languages, making her a mediator, not an enemy.”
This focus on cultural and social justice is echoed in Sheinbaum’s praise for AMLO’s latest book, which underscores the cultural greatness of Mexico’s indigenous peoples and their resilience through centuries of conquest and exclusion. Sheinbaum insists that the 4T has changed the narrative, recognizing the role of indigenous communities in both history and the present.
Yet, as much as Sheinbaum celebrates progress, her administration has faced a series of daunting challenges, particularly within her own party. According to an investigation by Político MX, the summer of 2025 was marked by what some have called the “black summer” for Morena, the ruling party. In just three months, Sheinbaum had to address 39 separate issues during her morning press conferences, most involving internal scandals rather than opposition attacks.
The first major storm erupted when the U.S. government revoked the visas of Baja California Governor Marina del Pilar and her husband, citing investigations into alleged links to organized crime. Del Pilar insisted it was an administrative matter, not a criminal accusation. When pressed, Sheinbaum responded, “We have no notification from the United States government. We learned about it from the statement issued by the governor herself. We’ll wait for more information; we won’t get ahead of ourselves.” She continued to defend Del Pilar, stating, “She does a good job. People love her, I’ve seen it, I’ve felt it when I’m in Baja California.”
Other party figures also found themselves embroiled in controversy. Senator Gerardo Fernández Noroña was criticized for publicly humiliating a citizen, Carlos Velázquez de León Obregón, by forcing a public apology and broadcasting the event through Senate channels. Sheinbaum commented, “I think the senator should explain how it happened. From what I understand, there was an agreement between the two parties to resolve it.”
Freedom of expression became a flashpoint in June, when two governors from the 4T coalition—Alejandro Armenta of Puebla and Layda Sansores of Campeche—were at the center of debates over press freedom. In Puebla, a new cybersecurity law raised alarms among journalists and civil rights groups, who feared its ambiguous language could be used to criminalize criticism. Sheinbaum weighed in: “Our position is always against censorship and in favor of freedom of expression. So, we won’t support any article that promotes censorship.” In Campeche, the prosecution of journalist Jorge González Valdez for alleged incitement to hatred against Sansores sparked further criticism. Sheinbaum stated, “Anything that restricts freedom of expression should not be punished, especially not criminally.”
July brought more headaches. Adán Augusto López Hernández, former Secretary of the Interior and a key Morena figure, was linked to the scandal surrounding Hernán Bermúdez Requena, wanted for leading a criminal group in Tabasco. While Sheinbaum called for investigations to proceed, she was careful not to assign blame prematurely: “The Attorney General’s Office investigates, and whatever comes of those investigations. It would be appropriate for the senator to give his version, it’s important.”
Meanwhile, the luxury vacations of Ricardo Monreal and ‘Andy’ López Beltrán (son of AMLO) in Spain and Japan, respectively, drew public ire for contradicting Morena’s principles of austerity. Sheinbaum responded pointedly: “Power is exercised with humility, always, for everyone who is part of the Fourth Transformation and those who are not.” She repeated this message when asked about ‘Andy’: “Power is humility, not arrogance. We have a political responsibility and a responsibility to the movement and the principles we represent.”
Despite these controversies, none of the implicated figures lost their positions or influence within Morena. Sheinbaum has chosen to navigate these crises by maintaining internal balance and avoiding public ruptures that might fracture the party. According to Político MX, this strategy has allowed Morena’s key players to retain their standing, but it has also exposed tensions and contradictions within the party’s leadership.
Beyond the party’s internal drama, broader political debates continue to roil Mexico. As of December 1, 2025, Excélsior reports that Morena faces internal debates about whether to pursue continuity or introduce change ahead of the 2026 geopolitical challenges. Rumors swirl about Sheinbaum’s intentions to include Omar García Harfuch in the shortlist for the Ministry of the Interior. Meanwhile, the federal Secretariat of Security and Citizen Protection (SSPC) seeks expanded investigative powers to better coordinate with prosecutors against fuel theft and smuggling. Ricardo Monreal, for his part, announced 50 amendments to the National Water Law, signaling ongoing legislative activity despite the political turbulence.
As Mexico approaches the end of 2025, Sheinbaum’s administration stands at a crossroads—celebrating significant social and economic achievements, championing cultural recognition and justice, yet grappling with internal storms and the ever-present challenges of governance. The Zócalo celebration may serve as both a reminder of progress and a rallying cry for unity, as the Fourth Transformation enters its next chapter.
