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Sheinbaum And Rubio Launch New US Mexico Security Plan

The two governments announce a high-level cooperation program on border security and crime, but avoid a formal agreement as political tensions and tariff threats linger.

6 min read

In a week marked by diplomatic choreography and rising regional tensions, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio unveiled a new phase of security cooperation between their two countries. The move comes as both governments navigate a complex web of domestic pressures, cross-border crime, and the sometimes unpredictable demands of President Donald Trump’s foreign policy. The announcement, made in Mexico City on Wednesday, September 3, 2025, signals both progress and persistent challenges in one of the world’s most scrutinized bilateral relationships.

For months, Sheinbaum had earned a reputation—sometimes half-jokingly referred to as the “Trump whisperer”—for her ability to blunt the impact of U.S. tariffs on Mexican goods by cracking down on drug cartels with a forcefulness her predecessor lacked. According to Mexico News Daily, Sheinbaum has delivered dozens of cartel affiliates to American authorities and pointed to lower fentanyl seizures at the U.S. border as evidence that her approach is working. “If this problem reduces, then we evidently want to see that 25% [tariff] shrink,” Sheinbaum remarked during her Thursday morning press conference, referencing the steep tariff the Trump administration imposed earlier this year.

Yet, as Michael Shifter of the Inter-American Dialogue observed, Sheinbaum is now walking “a fine line” with Trump—a line that only seems to get thinner as the months go by. “Sheinbaum likely feels incredibly frustrated because she has taken major steps toward dealing with the cartels. And it never seems to be enough to satisfy Trump,” Shifter told Mexico News Daily.

The latest round of high-level talks with Rubio was initially expected to produce a formal, signed security agreement. Instead, both sides announced a new “cooperation program on border security and law enforcement,” which Sheinbaum described as “good for the country.” The program, as outlined by both governments, includes intelligence sharing, joint training exercises, and the establishment of a “high-level implementation group” to monitor progress and maintain regular communication. Five senior Mexican officials—Security Minister Omar García Harfuch, Defense Minister Ricardo Trevilla Trejo, Navy Minister Raymundo Pedro Morales, Foreign Affairs Minister Juan Ramón de la Fuente, and Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero—will represent Mexico in this group.

Rubio, for his part, called the current bilateral security cooperation “the closest … we have ever had, maybe with any country.” He emphasized the importance of “joint training” and pledged that the U.S. would work to “stop the flow of armaments” to Mexico, a commitment Sheinbaum called “very important,” given the devastating impact of illegal firearms on Mexico’s security landscape.

Despite the positive tone, the absence of a formal agreement was notable. Sheinbaum acknowledged that she had originally spoken about an agreement but clarified, “Perhaps I expressed myself poorly … but the work program that was agreed yesterday was always on the table.” She explained that formal bilateral agreements require a different set of diplomatic and legal procedures, and reiterated that the current program represents a meaningful step forward.

One issue that did not come up in the talks, according to Sheinbaum, was the deployment of additional U.S. agents to Mexico. “No, no, it wasn’t an issue,” she told reporters, adding that Mexico has strict protocols and a constitutional framework governing the presence of foreign agents. This stance follows 2020 legislation by Mexico’s Congress that tightened controls on foreign law enforcement operating within its borders—a move widely seen as a response to longstanding U.S. involvement in Mexican security affairs.

Similarly, Sheinbaum said there are no plans to send more Mexican troops to the northern border region. Earlier this year, 10,000 National Guard troops were deployed as part of a deal with the Trump administration that temporarily paused the 25% tariff. Still, the tariff took effect in March, though goods compliant with the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) were quickly exempted.

The new cooperation program targets several shared priorities: countering cartels, strengthening border security, eliminating clandestine tunnels, addressing illicit financial flows, preventing fuel theft, and increasing inspections and prosecutions to stem the flow of drugs and arms. Both countries reaffirmed their commitment to combating illegal drug trafficking within their own borders, in line with principles of reciprocity and respect for sovereignty. As Sheinbaum posted on X, the cooperation is “based on four pillars: reciprocity; respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity; shared and differentiated responsibility; and mutual trust.”

Yet, the specter of U.S. intervention remains a sensitive topic. Just days before Rubio’s visit, the Trump administration carried out a strike in the southern Caribbean, killing 11 people alleged to be drug traffickers. The move, intended as a warning to traffickers, also rattled nerves across Latin America, where memories of past U.S. interventions linger. Sheinbaum has consistently rejected offers by the Trump administration to send U.S. troops to fight cartels in Mexico, emphasizing instead the importance of “operating in the region ‘without subordination’ and respecting allies,” as Mexico News Daily reported.

Trump, meanwhile, has shown little inclination to make concessions, often using the threat of tariffs as leverage. Just last month, he told the press, “Mexico does what we tell them to do,” and recently asserted that while he liked Sheinbaum, he believed Mexico was still run by cartels. Political analyst Palmira Tapia noted, “There aren’t really any incentives for Trump … Because his winning strategy has been to get what he wants with the threat of tariffs.”

For Sheinbaum, the stakes are high and the room for maneuver limited. Her popularity at home remains robust, with approval ratings between 70% and 80%. Analysts suggest she retains some leverage, particularly in helping the U.S. block migratory flows north—a tool Mexico’s government has used before. But the relationship’s delicate balance means that any misstep could have far-reaching consequences for both countries.

The meeting also touched on domestic political tensions. Sheinbaum took aim at PRI leader Alejandro Moreno, who has accused her government of colluding with organized crime—a charge she dismissed as political grandstanding. “And here Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, [was] congratulating us for the work we are doing on organized crime and [speaking about] the good cooperation there is,” Sheinbaum pointed out, highlighting the disconnect between domestic opposition rhetoric and the public praise from the U.S. administration.

As the dust settles on this latest chapter in U.S.-Mexico relations, one thing is clear: the path ahead is fraught with uncertainty. The new security cooperation program may offer a framework for progress, but the underlying tensions—over sovereignty, security, and political pressure—are far from resolved. For now, Sheinbaum appears to have secured a measure of stability, but as history has shown, the relationship between these two North American giants is never static for long.

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