In a week marked by heightened tensions and swirling accusations, the specter of Russian disinformation campaigns looms large over both Poland and Finland, stoking fears of destabilization and potential escalation in Eastern Europe. As Polish far-right leaders accuse their own government of staging a Russian drone incursion, and Russia unleashes a barrage of propaganda against Finland, the region finds itself at the crossroads of political intrigue and international security concerns.
Last week, Poland’s airspace was breached by around 20 drones in an incident swiftly attributed to Russia by the Polish government, President Karol Nawrocki, and NATO allies. The response from Warsaw was unequivocal: all evidence pointed to Moscow. Yet, almost as soon as the dust settled, two of Poland’s most prominent far-right figures, Grzegorz Braun and Janusz Korwin-Mikke, stepped forward with a narrative that upended the official account.
At a press conference on September 19, 2025, Braun and Korwin-Mikke accused Poland’s own government of orchestrating the drone incursion as part of a conspiracy to draw the country deeper into the war in Ukraine. According to Notes from Poland, Korwin-Mikke, who has a long history of controversial statements, filed a notification to prosecutors alleging that Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski was involved in the supposed plot. “The Polish government cooperated in the provocation,” Korwin-Mikke insisted, claiming that the drones were actually Ukrainian Gerbera models with a maximum range of only 600 kilometers—making a direct flight from Russia, in his view, impossible. He declared he was “absolutely certain” of government involvement.
Braun, meanwhile, took aim at Ukraine itself, accusing it of spreading false propaganda about Russian war crimes in Bucha. He alleged that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy “does not allow international experts and independent witnesses to Bucha” to conduct a proper investigation. These claims, which echo previous statements by both men that have been sympathetic to Russia and hostile to Ukraine, drew swift condemnation from Poland’s political mainstream.
Foreign Minister Sikorski responded with a scathing rebuke, branding Braun and Korwin-Mikke as “Russian lackeys,” a pointed term in Polish political discourse for those suspected of parroting Kremlin propaganda. On social media, Sikorski did not mince words, calling the pair a “pair of Russian lackeys,” further fueling the already heated debate.
President Nawrocki was equally blunt, condemning what he called “Russian disinformation, which has been suggesting that the drones attacking Polish airspace are Ukrainian in order to drag Poland into the war.” Prime Minister Donald Tusk added a warning of his own, stating, “Spreading Russian propaganda and disinformation is an act that harms the Polish state, its security and its citizens.” Tusk went on to say that “stupidity, and even more so political views, should not be treated as a mitigating circumstance.”
Since the drone incident, Korwin-Mikke has doubled down, repeatedly claiming the event was staged by Poland and Ukraine and then falsely blamed on Moscow. His social media posts have questioned why the drones found in Poland were disarmed, suggesting, “These were probably damaged Russian drones, repaired by the Ukrainians, sent over Poland on behalf of the warmongers Tusk & Sikorski.”
Braun and Korwin-Mikke’s rhetoric is not new. Both have long histories of antagonistic statements toward Ukraine and, at times, overt sympathy for Russia. Braun, who finished fourth in Poland’s recent presidential election with 6.3% of the vote, was the only member of parliament in 2022 not to support a resolution condemning Russia’s violation of international law. Korwin-Mikke has openly stated his preference for good relations with Russia, expressing fear of Ukraine’s growing power and even declaring, “Ukraine is a bigger enemy than Russia.” During the presidential campaign, Braun railed against what he termed the “Ukrainisation of Poland” and even tore down a Ukrainian flag from a town hall in protest.
Both men were once leading figures in the far-right Confederation party but were expelled—Korwin-Mikke in 2023 for inflammatory remarks, Braun in January 2025 for challenging the party’s official presidential candidate. Despite these setbacks, they continue to lead their own small parties. Braun, who also serves as a member of the European Parliament, now faces multiple charges for alleged anti-Jewish, anti-Ukrainian, and anti-LGBT actions, with calls mounting to strip him of his parliamentary immunity so he can face prosecution for, among other things, denying Nazi crimes—a criminal offense in Poland.
While Poland wrestles with internal discord and the threat of Russian disinformation, Finland finds itself in the Kremlin’s crosshairs as well. On September 19, 2025, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), a leading US think tank, warned that Russia has launched a coordinated propaganda campaign targeting Finland—eerily reminiscent of the tactics deployed ahead of the Ukraine invasion.
According to the ISW, top Russian officials, including Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Sergei Ivanov, a longtime Putin ally and former FSB deputy director, have issued statements painting Finland as unstable and responsible for the deterioration of bilateral relations. Lavrov accused Finland of shedding its “neutral veneer” and harboring “revanchist ambitions.” Ivanov, whose career has spanned roles as defense minister, deputy prime minister, and chief of staff of the Presidential Administration, declared that Finnish-Russian relations “practically do not exist” and predicted no improvement as long as Finland remains in NATO and strengthens its eastern frontier.
Ivanov’s comments also targeted Finland’s domestic economy, claiming that ordinary Finns are now “paying the price” for their government’s decision to sever ties with Moscow. He alleged that southeastern Finland—once buoyed by Russian tourism—is now suffering from business decline and depopulation. “Good neighbourly relations” with Russia, he argued, would serve Finnish citizens better than “the current hostility.”
Russian state media, including the TASS newswire, have amplified these messages, echoing similar comments from other officials such as Duma deputy Aleksey Chepa. The ISW observed that the language used across these statements was strikingly similar, describing it as “a concerted top-down Kremlin informational effort targeting Finland.” The think tank warned, “This mirrors the Kremlin’s messaging playbook before the Ukraine invasion. High-ranking officials are again setting informational conditions to justify future aggression.”
Finland, which shares an 833-mile border with Russia, joined NATO in 2023 after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The Kremlin’s campaign, according to the ISW, aims to demonstrate that anti-Russian policies harm populations rather than governments, hoping to fuel resentment and weaken NATO unity from within.
As both Poland and Finland grapple with the fallout from these intertwined disinformation campaigns, the stakes for European security could hardly be higher. The region’s leaders are left to navigate a landscape where truth itself is constantly under assault, and where the line between domestic dissent and foreign interference grows ever more blurred.
In the end, the struggle over narratives and influence in Eastern Europe is not just about drones or diplomatic barbs—it’s about who gets to define reality in a time of mounting uncertainty.