On October 24, 2025, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio stood inside a bustling coordination center in Kiryat Gat, southern Israel, surveying a scene that’s become emblematic of the latest American diplomatic push in the Middle East. Flags from Cyprus, Greece, France, Germany, Australia, and Canada fluttered alongside the Stars and Stripes, as around 200 U.S. troops worked shoulder-to-shoulder with Israeli military personnel and international delegations. The mission? To oversee a fragile ceasefire in Gaza and lay the groundwork for a potential international security force to stabilize the territory after months of conflict between Israel and Hamas.
Rubio’s visit, according to the Associated Press, was part of a parade of high-level U.S. officials making their way to Israel in recent days. U.S. Vice President JD Vance had announced the opening of the center earlier that week, and envoys Steve Witkoff and presidential son-in-law Jared Kushner had also made appearances. The American presence, it seems, is both symbolic and practical—signaling Washington’s commitment to keeping the truce on track while quietly reassuring Israeli leaders that they are not alone in managing the delicate aftermath.
The Trump administration, as reported by AP and corroborated by additional U.S. sources, has been working to assemble an international force that could eventually deploy to Gaza, train a Palestinian security contingent, and ensure that violence doesn’t flare up again. The idea is bold, but not without precedent—think of previous multinational peacekeeping efforts in places like Kosovo or Lebanon. Still, the stakes in Gaza feel uniquely high, given the region’s history and the deep mistrust between the parties involved.
Rubio’s tone during his tour was cautiously optimistic. “I think we have a lot to be proud of in the first 10 days, 11 days, 12 days of implementation, where we have faced real challenges along the way,” he told reporters. The challenges are, by all accounts, immense. The ceasefire itself is tenuous, with both sides wary and international actors hesitant to commit boots on the ground without clear mandates or guarantees.
To lead the civilian side of the coordination center, Rubio named Steven Fagin, the U.S. ambassador to Yemen—a diplomat seasoned in navigating complex, high-risk environments. On the military side, Adm. Brad Cooper of U.S. Central Command holds the top post, underscoring the seriousness with which the Pentagon is treating the operation.
The United States is actively seeking support from Gulf Arab nations and other allies to join the stabilization force. However, as Rubio explained, many potential participants require an explicit United Nations mandate or other form of international authorization before committing troops or resources. According to AP, Rubio said, “Countries need to know what they’re signing up for, including what is their mandate, what is their command, under what authority are they going to be operating, who’s going to be in charge of it, what is their job?” These are not idle questions—they go to the heart of how such a force would function, who would control it, and what risks the participants would face.
Rubio also emphasized that Israel’s comfort with the composition of the force is non-negotiable. After meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on October 23, he acknowledged that any international contingent would need to be vetted and approved by Israeli authorities, given the country’s security concerns and the charged political environment. Israeli media, with a touch of humor, have dubbed the steady stream of American officials “Bibi-sitting”—a reference to Netanyahu’s nickname and an old campaign ad touting him as the trustworthy caretaker of Israel’s future.
While the diplomats and generals debate mandates and logistics, the reality on the ground in Gaza remains stark. Families who survived the fighting are returning to neighborhoods reduced to rubble. According to AP’s reporting from Gaza City, people like Kamal Al-Yazji have little left but memories and determination. “I couldn’t find any place other than here. I’m sitting in front of my house, where else can I go? In front of the rubble, every day I look at my home and feel sorrow for it, but what can I do?” he said, as he tried to cook coffee over burning scraps of sponge. His three-story house, once home to 13 people, is now a pile of debris, forcing his family to live in a makeshift tent. The challenges are relentless: mosquitoes, wild dogs, and even the indignity of having banknotes so worn that shopkeepers refuse them.
Others, like Umm Muhammad al-Araishi, wander through devastated neighborhoods searching for landmarks that no longer exist. “I couldn’t find the place, I didn’t recognize where my house is, I didn’t recognize the whole neighborhood,” she said, describing her fruitless search for the Rantisi hospital and the familiar streets around it. The scale of destruction, particularly in areas Israel had declared “combat zones,” has left much of Gaza unrecognizable.
Amid the devastation, aid efforts are ramping up—but not without controversy. Rubio told reporters that a conglomerate of up to a dozen humanitarian groups, including United Nations agencies, would be involved in the response. However, he drew a firm line against including the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), which has historically provided food, medical care, and schooling to Palestinian refugees in Gaza. “The United Nations is here, they’re on the ground, we’re willing to work with them if they can make it work,” Rubio said. “But not UNRWA. UNRWA became a subsidiary of Hamas.”
This stance puts the U.S. and Israel at odds with the International Court of Justice, which earlier in the week ordered Israel to allow UNRWA to deliver humanitarian assistance. Since March, Israel has blocked the agency from bringing in supplies, despite UNRWA’s claim that it has 6,000 trucks of aid waiting at the border. Nevertheless, the agency continues to operate inside Gaza, running health centers, mobile medical teams, sanitation services, and schools for children. Israeli officials, particularly those aligned with Netanyahu’s right-wing coalition, have long accused UNRWA of being infiltrated by Hamas—a charge the agency denies but which has gained traction in Israeli political discourse.
For now, the U.S.-led coordination center remains the nerve center of international efforts to keep the peace and address the mounting humanitarian crisis. Whether the proposed stabilization force will materialize, and whether Gaza’s battered communities will see meaningful relief, remains to be seen. The coming weeks will test not only the resolve of diplomats and soldiers but also the resilience of ordinary Palestinians struggling to rebuild their lives one brick, one blanket, and one meal at a time.
As the world watches, the question lingers: can this latest surge of international attention and resources finally break the cycle of destruction and despair in Gaza, or will it go the way of so many previous efforts—well-intentioned, but ultimately overwhelmed by the realities on the ground?