On Saturday, September 13, 2025, a significant handover of weapons took place in Lebanon as Palestinian factions in two major refugee camps—Ain al-Hilweh in the south and Beddawi in the north—delivered eight truckloads of arms to the Lebanese army. This move, coordinated under a government plan to bring all weapons under state authority, marks a pivotal moment in the country’s decades-long struggle to assert control over arms held by non-state groups within its borders.
The operation unfolded with five trucks collected from Ain al-Hilweh camp near the port city of Sidon and three from Al-Beddawi camp close to Tripoli, according to statements from both Lebanese and Palestinian officials. Abdul Hadi al-Asadi, a security official with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), confirmed, “the operation of delivering new batches of weapons” was carried out by the umbrella group’s factions. The Lebanese army, in its official statement, specified that the delivery included “various types of weapons, shells, and ammunition,” all of which were handed over to specialized military units for inspection.
According to Shafaq News, these shipments are part of a broader roadmap agreed upon during a May 2025 summit between Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun. The plan seeks to gradually end the long-standing presence of weapons in the camps—a legacy dating back to Lebanon’s civil war and the 1969 Cairo Agreement, which left camp security in the hands of Palestinian groups. The Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee, which is overseeing the process, described the disarmament as “vital to strengthening Lebanese sovereignty, while also promoting stability in the camps and protecting the rights and dignity of Palestinian residents.”
This is not the first handover in recent months. Earlier deliveries in August 2025 involved camps in Beirut and the southern province of Tyre. However, Saturday’s transfer stands out for its scale and for involving Ain al-Hilweh, Lebanon’s largest and most volatile camp. The camp, home to nearly 75,000 people, has a reputation for being a flashpoint of armed clashes. In 2023, deadly fighting between factions loyal to President Abbas’s Fatah movement and rival Islamist groups left 30 dead and hundreds wounded, highlighting the dangers posed by unchecked weapons in these densely populated areas.
Lebanon is home to nearly half a million Palestinian refugees—though estimates vary, with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) putting the figure at about 222,000. More than half of these refugees live in 12 officially recognized camps run by UNRWA. These camps, including Ain al-Hilweh and Beddawi, are not subject to Lebanese state control. By longstanding convention, Lebanese security forces do not enter the camps, instead maintaining strict checkpoints around them. Camp security has traditionally been left to Palestinian factions, a situation that has allowed various militant groups to operate with relative autonomy.
The transfer of weapons was conducted under tight security. An AFP journalist near Ain al-Hilweh reported that Lebanese army vehicles were posted around the camp, preventing anyone from approaching during the operation. In Beddawi, three covered trucks were seen leaving the camp, with army vehicles waiting to receive them. The weapons from Beddawi were reportedly transported to a Lebanese army barracks inside Tripoli, as confirmed by the state-run National News Agency and Palestinian spokespeople.
While the PLO has taken the lead in handing over weapons, not all armed groups in the camps are participating. Notably, Hamas and its ally Islamic Jihad—both of which are not part of the PLO—have not announced plans to disarm in Lebanon. This has raised concerns about the completeness of the disarmament process. The Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee acknowledged this challenge, stating that it is “continuing its meetings with various Palestinian factions, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad,” as part of its commitment to extend Lebanese sovereignty over all its territory.
The backdrop to this move is a year marked by heightened tensions and violence. During the recent conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, which largely ended with a ceasefire in November 2024, Palestinian groups—including Hamas—claimed responsibility for rocket fire toward Israel from Lebanese territory. The presence of armed groups in the camps has long been a source of friction, both within Lebanon and with neighboring Israel. The Beddawi camp, in particular, was struck by Israeli air raids last year, resulting in the deaths of a Hamas commander and his family, according to Palestinian sources.
Lebanon’s new plan, as outlined by Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi to AFP, aims for the complete disarmament of the border area with Israel within three months. This is the first of five phases intended to ensure that only the Lebanese army holds weapons, a dramatic shift from the status quo of fragmented armed control. The plan’s success, however, depends on the cooperation of all factions—a tall order given the entrenched interests and the complex political landscape of Lebanese and Palestinian politics.
For Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, the stakes are high. Refugees and their descendants are not granted Lebanese citizenship, a policy ostensibly meant to preserve their right of return to homes lost in the 1948 creation of Israel. In practice, this has left them in a legal limbo, barred from most professions and property ownership. What little property they have is often bought under Lebanese names, leaving them vulnerable to expropriation and embezzlement. The camps are overcrowded, under-resourced, and frequently the scene of violence between rival factions.
Many residents hope that disarmament will bring greater stability and improve living conditions. Yet, there are also fears. Some worry that without their own means of defense, camps could become targets for external aggression or criminal activity. Others question whether the Lebanese state, itself weakened by years of economic crisis and political paralysis, can provide the security and services needed to fill the vacuum left by disarmed factions.
Lebanon’s push for disarmament has also faced criticism from powerful domestic actors. Hezbollah, once the country’s most influential political force, has rejected the government’s plan. The group, severely weakened by the recent war with Israel, nonetheless remains a formidable presence and has long argued that armed resistance is necessary to defend Lebanon’s sovereignty against Israeli aggression. The disarmament of Palestinian factions, some observers suggest, could be a prelude to broader efforts to curtail Hezbollah’s own military power—a prospect that raises the stakes for all involved.
The coming months will test whether Lebanon can achieve its goal of bringing all weapons under state control, a step that could reshape the country’s security landscape and the lives of hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees. For now, the sight of truckloads of weapons leaving camps like Ain al-Hilweh and Beddawi offers a rare glimmer of hope in a region too often defined by conflict and distrust.
As the Dialogue Committee put it, this process is not just about guns and grenades—it’s about “promoting stability in the camps and protecting the rights and dignity of Palestinian residents.” Whether that promise can be fulfilled remains to be seen, but for many in Lebanon, Saturday’s handover is a step in the right direction.