In the wake of Nepal’s most significant youth-led uprising in decades, the country’s political landscape is experiencing both unprecedented energy and frustrating fragmentation. Sparked by social media activism and a groundswell of Gen Z discontent, the movement that toppled the Nepalese government earlier this year has yet to coalesce into a unified political force capable of challenging the country’s entrenched parties in the upcoming March 5, 2026 elections.
According to Bloomberg, the protests that swept Nepal in September 2025 were ignited by a new generation’s demand for good governance and anti-corruption reforms. Driven by a sense of injustice and the viral power of online platforms, thousands of young Nepalis poured into the streets, their collective action ultimately forcing the fall of the sitting government. The events, which Bloomberg described as “Nepal’s biggest youth-led protests in decades,” revealed not just the power of perception in global uprisings against inequality, but also the potent influence of Gen Z in shaping the nation’s future.
Yet, as the dust settled, hopes that the Gen Z movement would crystallize into a formidable, unified political bloc have so far gone unrealized. Despite weeks of negotiations and parallel efforts to forge electoral alliances, the various new political groups that emerged from the protest movement have failed to come together ahead of the crucial March elections. As reported by The Kathmandu Post, “expectations that Nepal’s Gen Z movement would translate into a unified political force capable of challenging traditional parties have fallen short, as new political groups have failed to come together.”
The Election Commission’s November 26, 2025 deadline for party registration came and went without the emergence of a single, consolidated new force. Instead, a handful of fledgling parties—among them the Shram Sanskriti Party, the Ujyalo Nepal Party (UNP), and the Gatisheel Loktantrik Party—were registered, each hoping to ride the momentum of the youth uprising. The UNP, formally established and registered with the Commission by December 5, 2025, adopted the electric bulb as its election symbol, a nod perhaps to the promise of illumination and change.
Central to the UNP’s identity is its patron, Kulman Ghising, a figure well known in Nepal for his role in drastically reducing the country’s crippling load-shedding crisis back in 2016. Ghising, who served as the head of the Nepal Electricity Authority, oversaw a remarkable turnaround at a time when blackouts lasted as long as 18 hours a day. His reputation as a reformer and problem-solver lent the new party a measure of credibility. However, Ghising’s own political journey has not been without turbulence—he was removed from his NEA post in March 2025 by the then-ruling coalition of the CPN-UML and the Nepali Congress.
Efforts to unite the UNP with other alternative forces, most notably the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and prominent figures from the Gen Z movement, have been ongoing but fraught with difficulty. The process has included outreach to Kathmandu mayor Balendra Shah, who famously won his office as an independent in the 2022 local elections, as well as other civic leaders and activists. Despite “numerous efforts,” as The Kathmandu Post notes, “they could not come together to move forward as a single force.”
Talks between the UNP and the RSP reportedly delved as far as considering a name change for the latter—options like Ujyalo Rastriya Swatantra Party or Rastriya Ujyalo Party were floated. However, negotiations broke down over unresolved issues, leading the UNP to proceed with its own registration. “We held intensive discussions with the RSP even before our party was formally registered with the election commission,” a UNP leader told The Kathmandu Post. “However, as the discussions failed to reach a substantive conclusion, we were compelled to establish a separate party. That said, discussions on a poll-oriented alliance between us are still ongoing.”
From the RSP’s perspective, unity remains possible, in part because ballot printing for the March elections had not yet begun, and the UNP’s new status means its election symbol would not pose a significant obstacle. But as one RSP leader explained, “the main obstacle to party unification is the question of portfolio. Besides, the UNP had been demanding equal status in the central committee of the unified party. At present, they are seeking at least 30 to 35 percent share of the central committee. This is a sticking point.”
Other procedural hurdles also loom large. Narayan Prasad Bhattarai, spokesperson for the Election Commission, clarified that once a party is officially registered, it cannot contest an election using another party’s symbol institutionally—though individuals may use another party’s symbol in a personal capacity. For now, the parties remain separate, with alliance talks hanging in the balance.
The RSP itself is facing its own internal challenges. Its chair, Rabi Lamichhane, has spent most of 2025 in judicial custody, held in Pokhara, Bhairahawa, and most recently at the Nakkhu Prison in Lalitpur, in connection with a high-profile cooperative fraud case. Lamichhane’s absence from the political scene has complicated unity efforts, with some RSP leaders insisting that top-level talks between Lamichhane and Ghising are essential for any real progress. Such discussions, however, have not yet occurred.
Despite these setbacks, the drive for a united alternative remains alive. Anup Kumar Upadhyay, the UNP chair, has called for an electoral alliance, arguing, “If we are to give a tough challenge to the traditional parties in the election, then there is no excuse for alternative forces but to come together.”
Sudan Gurung, a leading figure in the Gen Z movement, is also working tirelessly to bridge divides among the alternative forces. Gurung’s efforts extend beyond the UNP and RSP, aiming to bring together former education minister Sumana Shrestha (who left the RSP after the Gen Z uprising), Dhangadhi mayor Gopi Hamal, Sagar Dhakal (who challenged Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba in the 2022 House of Representatives election), social activist Ashika Tamang, Dharan mayor Harka Sampang, and others under a single platform. “We are trying to organise a meeting involving all the representatives of alternative forces,” Gurung told The Kathmandu Post.
On December 5, 2025, Gurung visited Lamichhane at Nakkhu Prison, where, according to Gurung, Lamichhane expressed positivity about building a unified alternative political force. It’s a glimmer of hope in what has otherwise been a bumpy road toward opposition unity.
As Nepal heads toward the March 5 elections, the question remains: Can the energy and idealism of the Gen Z movement be harnessed into a coherent political alternative, or will the country’s traditional parties once again dominate the polls? For now, the answer hangs in the balance, shaped by ongoing negotiations, personal ambitions, and the ever-shifting landscape of Nepalese politics.
