On the streets of Kathmandu in early September 2025, a sea of young faces—many not yet 25—filled the air with chants for change. In a matter of days, Nepal’s political landscape was upended by a spontaneous, digitally coordinated Gen Z uprising. What began as a call for good governance and an end to corruption quickly toppled the entrenched coalition government, dissolved the House of Representatives, and installed Sushila Karki, a former chief justice, as Nepal’s first woman prime minister. Now, 100 days later, the aftershocks of this youth-led revolt continue to ripple through the Himalayan nation.
According to The Kathmandu Post, the Gen Z movement of September 8–9, 2025, was not the work of any established political party. Instead, it was a decentralized, leaderless surge—enabled by social media and driven by frustration with the so-called "POD cartel" of Prachanda, Oli, and Deuba, three aging male leaders who, for years, rotated power with little apparent change. Sujeev Shakya, founder chair of the Nepal Economic Forum, described the uprising as inevitable. In an interview with The Hindu, he noted, "I was seeing this coming, though not in this way." He pointed out that the seeds of change had been sown earlier: "In 2022, 81 percent of election winners were new faces. In federal and local elections, this shift was already happening. It was only a matter of time, but it happened in a manner that shocked everyone."
The immediate aftermath of the uprising was dramatic. The interim technocrat government, led by Karki, quickly set about demonstrating what a responsive administration could deliver. In just three months, citizens and tourists received disaster warnings that had never been issued before, and government services—long plagued by corruption—suddenly became more efficient. Shakya observed, "People are getting a sense of what government can do for them in service delivery and governance. Now they’ve tasted what it’s like not having corruption in government services. That’s what they will expect."
But the transition has not been without turmoil. The Gen Z protests, particularly on September 9, caused massive nationwide disruption. According to a government assessment cited by The Kathmandu Post, 2,353 jobs were lost, and physical damage reached Rs84.45 billion. The employment of nearly 3,000 people was directly affected, and goods and services worth Rs13.84 billion were disrupted. Iconic institutions such as Singha Durbar, the Supreme Court, and the Parliament building suffered significant damage during the unrest.
Recognizing the magnitude of the events, the Karki government formed a three-member judicial commission on September 21 to investigate the violence, killings, and vandalism. As of December, nearly all relevant officials had been questioned—except for former prime minister K.P. Sharma Oli, who was expected to testify soon. The commission’s findings are eagerly awaited by a public hungry for accountability.
Despite the chaos, political analysts see the Gen Z movement as a turning point. Hari Sharma, quoted by The Kathmandu Post, remarked, "It can’t be said that nothing has happened, nor can it be said that everything has happened. But the Gen Z movement has certainly brought a kind of tremor in the political process." The movement has forced established parties to reckon with generational change. The UML, one of Nepal’s major parties, advanced its general convention by a year, reflecting the pressure for new leadership. Sharma added, "Even in other set-ups, such as offices and families, a mindset has developed that the voices of youngsters must be heard, which...is in itself a positive achievement."
On December 10, a major milestone was reached: the government and Gen Z groups signed a 10-point agreement officially recognizing the September revolt as a "people’s movement." Amit Khanal ‘Urja’, a Gen Z representative, hailed the agreement as a key achievement, though he expressed doubts about its full implementation. Political analyst Chandra Dev Bhatta echoed this cautious optimism, stating, "By establishing the view that youngsters must enter politics and that politics should move forward in a different way, the Gen Z movement has transformed Nepal’s political landscape."
Yet, not everyone is convinced of the movement’s purity. The UML, which led the government during the uprising, has suggested the protests were infiltrated by criminal elements and may have been driven by conspiracies. Established leaders remain wary, viewing the destruction of public property and the lack of a formal organization among protesters with suspicion. Sharma, however, warned against such thinking: "Conspiracy is the antithesis of democracy."
For all the drama, the Gen Z uprising did not emerge from a vacuum. Nepal’s population is strikingly young—half under 25—and globally connected, with Nepalis living in 174 countries. The country sits on about $20 billion in foreign exchange reserves, and remittances from its diaspora account for a staggering 26.6 percent of GDP. Japan alone hosts over 225,000 Nepalis, and communities in Australia, Dubai, and beyond continue to grow. Shakya explained, "Remittance will keep increasing. We’ve seen across South Asia—India, Bangladesh—the numbers are increasing. Movement of people in our part of the world has been happening for centuries."
Economically, Nepal faces both challenges and opportunities. The 2043 target for the nation to become a high-income country is now enshrined in the 15th Five Year Plan, adopted by consensus across political parties. Hydropower is seen as a potential game-changer, with abundant water resources and growing demand for clean energy from neighboring India and Bangladesh. Shakya, who played a role in Nepal’s first private hydropower project, believes, "We have a market, production potential, and production know-how. That’s the easiest way for Nepal to move up." He also sees potential in technology, data centers, and regional energy trade.
Nepal’s unique resilience, Shakya argues, comes from its strong community structures, such as the traditional guthi system—a form of community trust that supports families in times of crisis. "Resilience comes from this strong social structure," he said. "You learn to adapt, to live in communities like after the earthquake. In the West you make kits for yourself. Here your charger becomes everybody’s charger, your bathroom becomes everybody’s bathroom. There’s a sense of community, and historically that’s how we lived."
Geopolitically, Nepal’s position between India and China presents both risks and rewards. As both neighbors rise to become the world’s largest economies by 2050, Nepal’s role as a transit state could bring prosperity—if managed wisely. Shakya cautioned, "We need to learn to do that rather than trying to play one against the other...Rather than getting into this, to say what can we get out of China, what can we get out of India, and how can we help these two countries trade with each other better."
The specter of monarchy, which ended after 240 years, still lingers in political discourse. Some groups use the monarchy as a symbol for Hindu nationalism, seeking to restore Nepal as a Hindu kingdom. Shakya, who spent years working with the former royal family’s companies, is skeptical: "There’s no changing with the times. That’s what happened, and their 240 years of rule ended. The monarchy is used more as a mascot rather than to say if monarchy comes, here are the five economic progress points that would happen."
As Nepal heads toward new elections scheduled for March 5, 2026, the country stands at a crossroads. The Gen Z movement has shaken old certainties and opened the door to a new, more inclusive politics. Whether the momentum for change can be sustained—and whether the hard-won achievements of the past 100 days will translate into lasting reforms—remains to be seen. For now, though, Nepal’s youth have made it clear: the old ways are no longer enough.
