On a brisk Friday morning in Kathmandu, Prime Minister Sushila Karki gathered her top officials and Gen Z movement representatives for a meeting that many hope will mark a turning point in Nepal’s turbulent political landscape. With a sense of urgency in her voice, Karki directed her team to finalize a long-delayed agreement with the Gen Z activists by Monday, December 1, 2025—a deadline that comes after weeks of mounting pressure and public scrutiny.
The Gen Z movement, which erupted in early September, left an indelible mark on Nepal. Over two days, September 8 and 9, 2025, protests swept across the country, resulting in the deaths of 76 people and causing property damage estimated at billions of rupees. According to government records cited by The Kathmandu Post, 695 residential and office buildings were vandalized or burned, and thousands of private vehicles were damaged. The unrest, while devastating, was seen by many young Nepalese as a clarion call for deeper political change—an expression of frustration with an unresponsive democratic system and a lack of representation.
At the heart of the current negotiations lies a draft agreement submitted by the Nepal Gen Z Front to the government on November 11. The document, collaboratively crafted by several Gen Z groups, urges the state to formally recognize the September uprising as a political movement. It describes the protests as a collective expression of dissatisfaction with Nepal’s democratic process and growing distrust in the nation’s governance structure. As Gen Z representative Monika Niraula put it during Friday’s talks, “We have tried our best to incorporate as many voices as possible through a participatory democratic process. The nature of our movement was different; it was spontaneous. Therefore, it has many narratives. Taking these various perspectives into account, we incorporated as many voices as possible in the agreement draft submitted to the government.”
The urgency to sign the agreement comes after Gen Z leaders like Amit Khanal ‘Urja’ publicly accused the government of dragging its feet. According to The Kathmandu Post, the original plan was to have a formal deal signed by the previous Wednesday. But the process stalled, prompting youth campaigners to demand action. In the latest meeting, Prime Minister Karki emphasized, “This matter must not be dragged on any further. If it can be completed today, finish it today; if not, work on it tomorrow [Saturday]. If needed, work throughout Sunday as well as make a review of whatever necessary. The final draft must be ready by Monday.”
For Karki, the stakes are high. She’s made it clear that the government is prepared to face any political or administrative consequences that may arise after the signing. “If there is any untoward incident after the signing of the agreement, I will face it. My entire council of ministers will take responsibility. This is a political document. Civil servants and administrators need not worry,” she stated, according to an official quoted by The Kathmandu Post.
But the path to consensus is anything but smooth. One of the thorniest issues is whether the killing of 19 people on September 8 should be termed a “massacre.” The Gen Z side insists on using the term, but the Prime Minister’s Office has reportedly objected, arguing that such language was not part of the original proposal. This disagreement underscores the sensitivity surrounding the protests and the difficulty of finding common ground on how history should record those turbulent days.
Meanwhile, Gen Z representatives have worked to ensure the agreement is as inclusive as possible. Niraula, who was present at the discussions with Karki, emphasized that the draft accepts Nepal’s federal republic, as well as current provisions on proportional inclusion and secularism. “Besides, we have included many other issues in our proposed agreement,” she added. The movement’s leaders have also made efforts to involve political parties in the process. According to Gen Z representatives, there have been bilateral discussions with all major parties except the CPN-UML, which has yet to respond positively. “It cannot be said that we brought this agreement without consulting political parties,” one Gen Z leader told The Kathmandu Post. “In fact, we have made it clear that political party representatives should also be present while signing the agreement.”
While the political negotiations continue, the financial aftermath of the September protests has been staggering. According to Republica, Nepali non-life insurers have so far settled just Rs 4.02 billion—about 17.15 percent—of the Rs 23.43 billion in insurance claims related to property damages from the Gen Z protests. Insurers have faced a deluge of claims: 3,255 in total, including 695 for vandalized and burnt residential and office buildings, with claims under this category alone totaling Rs 19.03 billion. Of that, insurers have paid out Rs 3.09 billion.
The damage to private vehicles was also significant. There were 2,295 claims worth Rs 3.44 billion, with Rs 848.50 million paid so far. Engineering and contract risks accounted for 209 claims amounting to Rs 550.04 million, with Rs 66.9 million settled. Other settlements include Rs 16.9 million for transport insurance and Rs 391.8 million under various other categories. Nepal Reinsurance Company, the country’s main reinsurer, has paid Rs 2.51 billion to insurance companies and received 2,860 claims worth Rs 15.81 billion.
For the thousands affected, the slow pace of insurance settlements adds another layer of frustration to an already traumatic experience. With only a fraction of claims settled and many victims still waiting for compensation, the economic scars of the protests remain fresh. The insurance industry, for its part, is under pressure to accelerate the pace of payouts and help families and businesses get back on their feet.
Amid these challenges, questions have arisen over the legitimacy of an agreement between the interim government and Gen Z representatives, especially in the absence of full participation from all political parties. Some critics argue that such a deal might lack the authority needed for lasting change. Gen Z leaders, however, are confident that their broad consultations with political parties—bar one—will ensure the agreement’s credibility.
As Nepal stands at this crossroads, the coming days will be crucial. Will the government and Gen Z reach a historic agreement that acknowledges the pain and aspirations of a new generation? Or will old divisions and bureaucratic inertia once again stall meaningful change? For now, all eyes are on Monday’s deadline—and on the leaders who, for better or worse, will shape the country’s next chapter.
In the shadow of September’s upheaval, Nepal’s political and economic future hangs in the balance, with the promise of renewal—and the lessons of the past—guiding every step forward.
