In Kathmandu, the political landscape has been upended in the wake of the Gen Z uprising that swept Nepal in September 2025, leaving 76 dead and causing damage to government and private property worth billions of rupees. As the dust settles, two parallel dramas are unfolding: the government’s race to finalize a historic agreement with Gen Z representatives, and the Nepali Congress’s (NC) scramble to hold its long-delayed General Convention, both set against a backdrop of public outrage and deepening party divisions.
On Friday, November 28, Prime Minister Sushila Karki convened a high-stakes meeting with Gen Z leaders at her office, responding to mounting criticism from youth campaigners who accused the government of dragging its feet on a formal accord. The Prime Minister, resolute and visibly impatient with bureaucratic inertia, instructed her officials to complete the draft agreement within days, setting an ambitious deadline for Monday, December 1. "This matter must not be dragged on any further. If it can be completed today, finish it today; if not, work on it tomorrow. If needed, work throughout Sunday as well as make a review of whatever necessary. The final draft must be ready by Monday," she was quoted as saying by an official privy to the developments, according to reporting by The Kathmandu Post.
The urgency is understandable. The Gen Z movement, which erupted on September 8 and 9, was the most significant youth-led protest Nepal has seen in a generation. The protests, which began as a spontaneous outpouring of frustration over the country’s democratic stagnation, lack of representation, and growing distrust in the government, quickly snowballed, with tragic consequences. In addition to the 76 deaths, the unrest led to the destruction of government offices, vehicles, and private businesses, with losses running into the billions. As reported by The Kathmandu Post, Gen Z leaders have insisted that the government formally recognize the September protests as a political movement, not merely a law-and-order crisis.
On November 11, Gen Z representatives submitted a draft agreement to the Prime Minister’s advisers, calling for official recognition of the uprising and outlining a set of reforms to address youth grievances. The draft was the product of a broad coalition of youth groups, coordinated under the Nepal Gen Z Front. Monika Niraula, a key Gen Z negotiator present at Friday’s meeting, emphasized the inclusive nature of the process: "We have tried our best to incorporate as many voices as possible through a participatory democratic process. The nature of our movement was different; it was spontaneous. Therefore, it has many narratives. Taking these various perspectives into account, we incorporated as many voices as possible in the agreement draft submitted to the government."
The government has not been immune to criticism for its sluggish pace. Amit Khanal ‘Urja’, another Gen Z representative, told The Kathmandu Post a week earlier that the process had stalled, with the government missing an earlier deadline to sign the deal. During Friday’s meeting, Gen Z leaders pressed officials to stop the delays and move forward. In response, government representatives assured them that the draft was nearly complete and under final review.
Prime Minister Karki, for her part, made it clear she was prepared to shoulder the political and administrative fallout of a deal. "If there is any untoward incident after the signing of the agreement, I will face it. My entire council of ministers will take responsibility. This is a political document. Civil servants and administrators need not worry," she declared, as reported by The Kathmandu Post. Yet, even as the two sides edge closer to a deal, some thorny issues remain unresolved. Chief among them is the terminology used to describe the violence of September 8, when 19 people were killed. Gen Z representatives have demanded that the event be acknowledged as a “massacre,” a word that government officials—particularly the secretary for legal affairs—have balked at including in the final document.
Despite these sticking points, both sides remain committed to reaching an agreement. Gen Z negotiators say they have engaged with all major political parties, except the CPN-UML, which has not responded positively to their overtures. Niraula noted, "We accept the federal republic, as well as the current provisions on proportional inclusion and secularism. Besides, we have included many other issues in our proposed agreement." The Gen Z camp has also insisted that political party representatives be present at the signing, seeking to dispel doubts about the legitimacy of an accord reached without full party participation.
Meanwhile, the Gen Z uprising’s tremors have been felt acutely within Nepal’s largest political party, the Nepali Congress. On Monday, December 1, the party’s Central Working Committee (CWC) met in Sanepa and, after months of bitter infighting, unanimously agreed to hold the NC’s 15th General Convention from January 10 to 12, 2026. The decision capped a period of internal strife and a looming threat of party split, both exacerbated by the September protests.
According to Republica, the convention calendar is packed: ward-level conventions are scheduled for December 31, followed by village and municipal conventions on January 1, provincial assembly constituency conventions on January 3, district conventions on January 5 and 6, and provincial conventions on January 7 and 8. The tenure of the current committee has been extended until mid-February to accommodate the process.
The push for an early convention was led by reformist factions within the NC, most notably General Secretaries Gagan Thapa and Biswo Prakash Sharma. These leaders, along with senior figure Dr Shekhar Koirala, demanded that the convention be held before the House of Representatives election on March 5, 2026. When party President Sher Bahadur Deuba hesitated, the reformists launched a signature campaign, ultimately securing the support of 54% of General Convention members—enough to force the issue under party rules.
Guru Raj Ghimire, a leader of the reformist campaign, told Republica, "We have compelled the president to call the General Convention unconditionally. Even if some leaders attempt foul play, we will hold the Special General Convention on the same day." The standoff deepened the rift between the party establishment and reformist wings, with senior former office bearers rallying to Deuba’s side in a bid to protect their influence over candidate selection for the coming elections.
By late October, acting President Purna Bahadur Khadka had begun convening parallel meetings of the establishment group, while several young leaders boycotted meetings called by Deuba. Ultimately, facing the prospect of a formal split, Deuba relented, instructing Khadka to propose a timeline for the convention. The CWC’s unanimous approval of the schedule now allows both Deuba and Khadka to deploy central representatives as needed, giving Deuba a chance to reassert his leadership during the crucial convention period.
As Nepal’s government and its largest party both confront the fallout from the Gen Z uprising, the coming weeks promise to be pivotal. The government’s willingness to recognize the youth-led protests as a political movement—and the NC’s decision to hold its convention under reformist pressure—signal a new era of engagement and accountability. Whether this leads to lasting change or merely a temporary truce remains to be seen, but for now, Nepal’s youth have forced their elders to listen—and act.