On a chilly September evening in Kathmandu, the parliament building blazed against the night sky, its flames lighting up the faces of jubilant protesters. The scene, captured by international media and widely shared online, marked a turning point for Nepal’s political landscape. According to The Independent, the fire was not just a symbol of anger—it was a celebration of possibility for thousands of young Nepalis who had taken to the streets, demanding change and ultimately forcing the resignation of Prime Minister K S Oli after only two days of massive protests.
Now, as Nepal readies itself for national elections scheduled on March 5, 2026, the legacy of that youth-led uprising is both palpable and uncertain. The Election Commission has prepared a voter list of 19 million people, and an astonishing 114 political parties have registered to contest. Yet, despite the energy and hope sparked by the so-called Gen Z revolutionaries, no strong, unified coalition representing these young activists has emerged to challenge the dominance of Nepal’s established political parties.
The echoes of similar movements in the region are hard to ignore. As reported by Nitya Chakraborty in The Tribune, the situation in Nepal draws parallels to Bangladesh’s pre-election climate, where student demonstrators formed the National Citizens Party (NCP) after a major uprising in July 2024. However, much like their Nepali counterparts, Bangladesh’s NCP is struggling to make a dent in a campaign dominated by established parties such as the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami. In Nepal, the Gen Z leaders and their mentors are still without a formal party base, leaving them at a disadvantage as the election approaches.
In the aftermath of the September protests, Sushila Karki was appointed interim Prime Minister—a decision made by the Gen Z demonstrators themselves, reminiscent of Bangladesh’s appointment of Muhammad Yunus as chief adviser following its own student-led revolt. Karki, a seasoned fighter against corruption from her years in Nepal’s Supreme Court, took office with the hope of ushering in a new era of transparency and good governance. But as the months have passed, her optimism has waned.
“I joined as Prime Minister with the hope that I could help bring about a corruption-free administration,” Karki confided to activists during a recent meeting with the Citizen Protection Campaign team. “But I am losing hope about the emergence of a New Nepal based on transparency bereft of corruption.” According to The Tribune, Karki is now considering a referendum on key issues such as corruption eradication and rights protections—a move that could see Nepalans voting on these topics alongside the national elections in March, echoing Bangladesh’s own dual-vote approach scheduled for February 12, 2026.
Nepal’s present Parliament consists of 334 members—275 in the lower house and 59 in the upper house. Coalition governments have been the norm since the abolition of the monarchy and the dawn of democracy. In the 2022 elections, the Nepali Congress emerged as the largest party, securing 89 seats, but it was K S R Oli of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) who led the last ruling coalition, backed by the Nepali Congress and other parties. The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) trailed as the second largest party, but persistent schisms among communist factions have fueled ongoing political instability.
As the March 2026 elections approach, the same major parties are gearing up for battle, with talks of alliances reminiscent of the 2022 pattern—though nothing has been finalized. Internal strife continues to plague the leadership: the Nepali Congress faces criticism from senior members, and while K S Oli was asked to resign at the last party convention, he managed to weather the dissent and retains his leadership position. Seven parties currently hold national status, and coalition governments continue to revolve around these established players.
Interestingly, nearly a fifth of the newly registered parties are led by young activists who played prominent roles in the September 2025 protests. Yet, these groups face significant hurdles: they lack robust organizational structures and have not formed alliances capable of mounting a credible challenge to the seasoned political machinery of the old guard. As The Tribune notes, “All these fringe parties have yet to set up organizations to take care of the election battle. There is no guarantee that these parties of the Gen Z activists will have alliance before the elections.”
The economic context adds another layer of urgency. The World Bank’s latest figures, cited by The Tribune, show that 82 percent of Nepal’s workforce is employed informally, and the country’s GDP per capita was just $1,447 in 2024. For millions of Nepalis, these aren’t just numbers—they’re the reality of daily life, and they fueled the anger and hope of the September uprising. During the protests, Gen Z activists made unemployment a central issue, but as of yet, they have not produced a comprehensive plan to address the crisis.
Meanwhile, the established parties are not without their own drama. On December 16, 2025, the election process to select new leadership within KP Sharma Oli’s CPN-UML party was once again postponed, this time due to technical glitches in the electronic voting machines. According to The Tribune (sourcing from ANI), voting had been scheduled for 7 pm local time but was delayed and rescheduled for 8 am the following morning. This was not the first such delay—previous postponements had occurred since December 15, with issues particularly acute during the entry of candidates’ names. General secretary candidate Shankar Pokhrel from the KP Oli faction explained, “The election committee had prepared to hold the election from 7 pm today (Tuesday), but because of the technical glitch, the process could not be initiated. Because of the increasing cold, we are not in a condition to wait further for it to get resolved. The election, which was scheduled for today, has now been postponed till tomorrow (Wednesday) morning at 8 am at this very venue of the closed-door sessions.”
Delegates had lined up early in anticipation, but were left waiting as technical teams scrambled to resolve the glitches. Even KP Sharma Oli himself, after filing his candidacy the day before, only arrived at the polling venue in the evening, where he was seen chatting with rival chair candidate Ishwar Pokharel and other party leaders. The delays and confusion underscore the challenges facing Nepal’s political institutions, even as the country prepares for a pivotal national vote.
With the election just months away, the question lingers: can Nepal’s Gen Z activists translate their street power into lasting political influence, or will the established parties once again dominate the polls? As the clock ticks toward March 5, the country watches, hopeful yet wary, for signs of genuine change.
