On December 5, 2025, Kathmandu found itself at the center of a political crossroads, as Nepal’s leaders, youth activists, and civil society converged on a single, pressing question: what comes next for the country’s fragile democracy? With just 90 days left before the scheduled March 5, 2026 parliamentary elections—a date set in the wake of the seismic Gen-Z protests that shook the nation in September—the stakes could hardly be higher.
At the heart of the day’s events was a nearly three-hour all-party meeting convened by Interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki at her official residence in Baluwatar. According to ANI, Karki brought together leaders from Nepal’s major political parties, the heads of all security and intelligence agencies, and top officials from the Election Commission, including acting Chief Election Commissioner Ram Prasad Bhandari. The agenda was clear: to reassure the nation that, despite the turmoil of recent months, the path to a timely and credible election remained open.
“Now, let us not think about whether elections will commence or not. If all the political parties sit in one place and come for the election as a joint force with the hope that the country will change as per the demands of the time and given circumstances, then there will be no disruptions. Those with bad intentions will not be able to attack anywhere. First of all, all the 126 political parties should be confident that the election will be held on time. Secondly, if we are united, no one can disrupt the election process,” Karki told the assembled leaders, according to ANI.
Her words struck a chord in a room still grappling with the aftershocks of the September 8–9 Gen-Z uprising. That movement—described by youth leaders as a “decentralized yet coordinated uprising, driven by shared frustrations and amplified through social media”—forced the dissolution of the House of Representatives and toppled a two-thirds majority government. Karki, a former Chief Justice, was thrust into the role of interim prime minister with a singular mandate: steer Nepal toward a free and fair election.
The meeting was attended by a cross-section of Nepal’s political spectrum. From Nepali Congress, Gagan Thapa and Pushpa Bhusal took part; from CPN-UML, Shankar Pokharel and Mahesh Bartola; from the Nepali Communist Party, Shakti Basnet and Prakash Jwala; and representatives from Rastriya Swatantra Party, Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Janata Samajbadi Party Nepal, and Janamat Party. The presence of security chiefs and election officials underscored the seriousness of the preparations.
With 126 political parties having already applied to participate, the scale of the coming election is unprecedented. The Election Commission has added approximately 800,000 new voters to the rolls, with verification ongoing. A budget request of around Rs 7 billion has been made, and the Ministry of Finance has already secured Rs 5.96 billion. The government and Commission have jointly implemented an integrated election security plan, and the recruitment of temporary police for election security is underway. Yet, some issues remain unresolved, such as the ordinance regarding voting rights for Nepali voters abroad and inter-district voting—a topic still awaiting a final decision.
But while the machinery of government churns forward, the real energy—and anxiety—resides with Nepal’s youth. On the same day as Karki’s meeting, youth leaders of the Gen-Z movement gathered at a roundtable organized by the Centre for Social Innovation and Foreign Policy (CESIF) in Kathmandu. According to Republica, over 70 participants, including activists, policymakers, diplomats, and scholars, debated the legacy and future of the protests that upended Nepal’s political landscape just three months before.
Youth activist Tashi Lhazom described the protests as a pivotal moment: “The movement will define Nepal’s future, marking a turning point in the country’s democratic trajectory.” She emphasized that the uprising was not the product of a single leader, but rather a collective effort, with Sudan Gurung emerging as a de facto leader out of necessity. Ojaswee Bhattarai, another prominent Gen Z figure, underscored the movement’s roots in rising class consciousness and the frustration of young people excluded from decision-making. “The movement exposed exclusion from decision-making and highlighted contradictions in leaders who resist empowering new generations,” Bhattarai said.
Other speakers at the roundtable addressed the deeper grievances that fueled the protests: poor public services, limited job opportunities, restrictive digital policies, and, as lawyer Manish Khanal noted, a demand for “a transparent, accountable, and future-ready Nepal.” Gen Z activist Asmita Rijal highlighted human rights violations, especially against children, while Smita Yadav called for more transparency in political parties and policies that tackle corruption and unemployment.
Political analyst Bhaskar Gautam praised the movement for breaking up closed political “syndicates” but warned that youth movements can be hijacked without genuine political ownership. Governance expert Sucheta Pyakurel criticized the government for lacking moral legitimacy beyond the technical task of holding elections. Political commentator Hari Sharma described the protests as a transformative force that made what once seemed impossible—democratic renewal—suddenly achievable.
As the youth debated the future, Nepal’s political elders were also busy forging new understandings. In a significant development, former Prime Ministers KP Sharma Oli and Sher Bahadur Deuba met in Kathmandu for the first time since the Gen-Z uprising. According to ANI, the meeting took place at Deuba’s temporary residence and included both leaders’ spouses and other party figures. The conversation reportedly focused on the upcoming March 5, 2026 election and the ongoing legal battle over the dissolution of parliament—a move fiercely opposed by Oli and his party, the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), who have petitioned the Supreme Court for reinstatement.
“A meeting was held between leaders, including Chairman Oli and Chairman Deuba, in Maharajgunj. The two leaders also discussed the election for the House of Representatives announced for March 5, 2026,” a source told ANI. While sources close to Oli said the visit was partly to inquire about Deuba’s health following the attack he suffered during the Gen-Z protests, the encounter was widely seen as an attempt to bridge political divides and reach a common understanding in a moment of national uncertainty.
Ambassador Vijay Kant Karna, Executive Chairperson of CESIF, summed up the mood: the protests exposed systemic corruption, weakened institutions, and rising authoritarianism, but also opened a path for evidence-based national dialogue and principled leadership. With the election looming and the wounds of September still raw, Nepal stands at a crossroads—its future to be decided not just by politicians in Baluwatar, but by the young people who took to the streets demanding a new social contract.
As preparations continue, the coming months will test whether Nepal’s political class can rise to the challenge, or whether the promise of the Gen-Z movement will fade. For now, the nation waits—hopeful, wary, and watching closely.
