Political tensions in the Indian states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have reached a fever pitch this December, with a series of controversies and shifts in representation sparking heated debates about inclusion, leadership, and the future of democracy in the region. As the dust settles from recent elections, the fallout is being felt across party lines, communities, and even international borders.
In Uttar Pradesh, the steady decline in Muslim political representation has become a focal point for community leaders, opposition parties, and political analysts. According to a December 17, 2025 report cited by multiple Indian news outlets, only 34 Muslim Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) were elected in the 2022 assembly elections. That number has now dropped to 32, following a series of convictions, disqualifications, and by-elections. The situation in neighboring Bihar is even starker: just 11 Muslim MLAs were elected in 2025, despite Muslims constituting about 20 percent of Uttar Pradesh’s population and playing a deciding role in more than 140 assembly seats.
The numbers paint a troubling picture. Uttar Pradesh, India’s most politically influential state, boasts 403 assembly seats and sends 80 members to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of Parliament. By population share, the state should have more than 80 Muslim MLAs and at least 15 Muslim MPs. Yet, the highest number of Muslim MLAs ever recorded was 68 in 2012, and that figure has declined in every subsequent election. As one senior political analyst from Lucknow observed, “When a community that is one-fifth of the population keeps losing space in elected bodies, it is not a small issue. It points to deeper problems in the political system.”
The 2022 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, held in seven phases from February 10 to March 7, saw the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secure a commanding majority with 255 seats. Yogi Adityanath returned as chief minister, while the Samajwadi Party (SP) managed 111 seats. Of the 34 Muslim MLAs elected, more than 30 belonged to the SP, with the rest coming from the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) and Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP). However, the number has dwindled since then. High-profile convictions, such as that of Azam Khan, led to by-elections that saw BJP candidates like Akash Saxena and Ramveer Singh capture seats previously held by Muslim representatives. In some cases, like Sisamau, the seat remained with the Muslim community after a by-election, but the overall trend is clear: Muslim representation is slipping.
Community leaders and activists are sounding the alarm. A Samajwadi Party figure remarked, “You cannot ignore the pattern. Muslim leaders face cases, disqualifications follow, and seats move to the ruling party. People are asking whether the law is being applied equally.” The concern is not merely about numbers but about the health of democracy itself. As a retired civil servant from Uttar Pradesh put it, “Representation matters. Assemblies should look like the people they represent. When they do not, trust breaks.”
The decline in Muslim political space is not confined to Uttar Pradesh. In Bihar, the situation is just as grim. Only 11 Muslim MLAs were elected in the latest assembly, a fact that activists say points to a broader trend across North India. “Muslims vote in large numbers, yet their voices in assemblies are getting weaker. This weakens democracy itself,” a Patna-based social activist told the press.
Meanwhile, Bihar has been rocked by a separate political firestorm involving the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Tejashwi Yadav. On December 17, the BJP’s Bihar unit circulated a controversial ‘missing person’ poster on social media, lampooning Yadav as a ‘9th-grade dropout’ and claiming he was ‘last seen running away, hiding his face from the media.’ This jab came after the RJD’s crushing defeat in the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections, where the party was reduced to just 25 seats. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) formed the government with a massive majority, the BJP emerging as the single largest party with 89 seats, and Janata Dal (United) making a strong comeback with 85 seats.
Tejashwi Yadav’s absence from Patna and the Bihar Assembly has been the subject of intense scrutiny. According to reports from IANS and other agencies, Yadav left Patna for Delhi on December 2 and has not returned since, reportedly vacationing in Europe with his family. He was present for the oath-taking ceremony and the Speaker’s election at the start of the assembly’s first session but missed subsequent key proceedings, including the Governor’s address. The BJP has seized on this, accusing Yadav of shirking his responsibilities as Leader of the Opposition at a crucial time. The party’s social media campaign has only intensified the pressure, with leaders alleging that Yadav’s silence and absence reflect his discomfort with the electoral verdict and the party’s internal turmoil. Reports have also surfaced of dissatisfaction within the RJD and family disputes, with Tejashwi’s sister breaking ties with both the party and the family over issues of respect and accountability.
Yet, even as political drama unfolds in the corridors of power, a separate controversy has erupted over an incident involving Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. On December 15, during an official function distributing appointment letters, Kumar pulled off the hijab of a Muslim woman, asking her, “What is this?” When she replied, “It’s a hijab, sir,” Kumar told her to remove it and did so himself. Deputy Chief Minister Samrat Chaudhary was seen pulling at Kumar’s sleeve, apparently trying to stop him. The woman appeared visibly uncomfortable, and laughter was reported among attendees as officials quickly ushered her away after handing her the appointment letter.
The incident triggered outrage, not only within India but across the border. On December 17, notorious Pakistani don Shahzad Bhatti released a video demanding a public apology from Nitish Kumar for what he described as inappropriate behavior towards a Muslim woman. Bhatti, who has a well-documented history of involvement in arms smuggling, underworld activities, and anti-India operations, warned that if an apology was not forthcoming, “no one should say later that no warning was given.” Indian security agencies believe Bhatti’s intervention is an attempt to portray himself as a protector of the Muslim community and distract from ongoing investigations into his criminal network, which spans several countries and is suspected of supplying arms to Indian criminals through illegal channels.
The fallout from these events has left Bihar and Uttar Pradesh at a crossroads. The declining representation of Muslims in legislative bodies, the public feuding between political parties, and the intrusion of international criminal elements into domestic controversies all point to deeper challenges facing Indian democracy. As the states prepare for future elections, the question remains: will political parties take steps to ensure fair representation and restore public trust, or will the gulf between population and power continue to widen?
For now, the political climate in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh remains volatile, with every move watched closely by both citizens and observers. The coming months will likely reveal whether these controversies mark a turning point or simply another chapter in the ongoing struggle for inclusion and accountability in Indian politics.
