Kerala’s political landscape has been upended following the results of the local body elections held in December 2025, sending ripples not only through the state but across the entire nation. For decades, the Left Democratic Front (LDF) dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) and its allies, including the Communist Party of India (CPI), had maintained a firm grip on the state’s urban and rural governance. That grip has now loosened dramatically, as voters delivered a stinging rebuke to the ruling coalition and propelled the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) to a sweeping victory.
The shockwaves began early on December 13, 2025, when results from Kerala’s capital, Thiruvananthapuram, revealed an unprecedented result: the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) had seized control of the city’s municipal corporation for the first time in nearly five decades. The BJP secured 50 out of 101 municipal wards, ending the LDF’s unbroken run since 1980. According to Mathrubhumi, this was a historic breakthrough for the NDA, and the repercussions were felt across the state’s political spectrum.
The magnitude of the LDF’s defeat became clear as the day unfolded. By the evening, the UDF had established itself as the dominant force statewide, controlling four of Kerala’s six major municipal corporations, while the BJP held one and the LDF retained only Kozhikode. As The Wire reported, the UDF’s gains were not limited to the cities. At the grassroots, the UDF emerged as the biggest winner, leading in 505 of the 941 Grama Panchayats, while the LDF secured a majority in only 340. The NDA, while far behind in overall numbers, made its mark by winning 26 Grama Panchayats and three seats for the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), a first in the state’s local governance.
Opposition leader V D Satheesan described the UDF’s performance as “the Congress’s best performance since the first elections for local bodies in 1995,” according to The Indian Express. The numbers back up his claim: compared to its 2020 tally of 321 gram panchayats, 38 block panchayats, three district panchayats, 41 municipalities, and one corporation, the UDF this time bagged 505 gram panchayats, 79 block panchayats, seven district panchayats, 54 municipalities, and four of the six municipal corporations. The scale of the turnaround stunned even seasoned Congress leaders, with Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) president Sunny Joseph admitting, “While the party had expected a win, the scale of public support exceeded expectations. It is a strong rejection of the LDF government’s anti-people policies.”
For the LDF, the results were more than just an electoral setback; they represented the loss of its longest-standing urban fortress and a potential existential crisis. CPI State Secretary Binoy Viswam acknowledged the defeat with humility, stating in a Facebook post, “We will study the lessons from the election results, correct our shortcomings, and return with renewed strength.” The party has initiated a process of introspection and invited direct feedback from the public, urging citizens to write to the Secretary, CPI State Council, at M.N. Memorial in Thiruvananthapuram. Viswam emphasized that this outreach is intended as a sincere exercise in self-criticism and course correction.
The LDF’s collapse was particularly acute in urban areas. In Kollam, a Left stronghold for 25 years, the UDF captured control with a decisive 15-seat swing. Kochi saw the UDF win 47 seats to the Left’s 22—a stunning reversal from the closely contested 2020 result. Thrissur, previously balanced between the two fronts, swung decisively toward the Congress alliance. The LDF’s control of municipalities dropped from 43 in 2020 to just 28 in 2025, while the UDF surged to 54 and the BJP won two, including the symbolically important Tripunithura.
Behind these numbers lie deeper currents reshaping Kerala’s political terrain. The BJP’s strategic focus in Hindu-majority areas yielded historic gains, even as its overall statewide vote share remained modest. The party’s breakthrough in Thiruvananthapuram Corporation is seen as a significant step for its ambitions in Kerala, giving it a governance showcase and invaluable legitimacy as it eyes the 2026 Assembly elections. Prime Minister Narendra Modi called it a “watershed moment,” promising to “work towards this vibrant city’s growth and boost ‘Ease of Living’ for the people.”
Yet, the BJP’s rise has not been without its limits. Outside Thiruvananthapuram, it made significant headway only in Tripunithura and Palakkad municipalities. The party’s 16-18% vote share in 30-40 competitive constituencies could, however, prove decisive in splitting votes and determining outcomes in the upcoming Assembly polls. Analysts point out that the BJP’s concentrated vote share, though modest, was devastatingly efficient where focused, as seen in the capital.
The LDF’s decline was especially pronounced in Muslim-majority northern districts such as Malappuram, Kannur, and Kozhikode, where the UDF made spectacular gains. Several factors contributed to the Left’s erosion: perceptions of abandoning secular principles, controversial government decisions such as the initial acceptance of the Union government’s PM-SHRI school scheme (opposed by Muslim organizations), and the fallout from the Sabarimala gold theft scandal, which implicated a CPI(M) leader and alienated traditional Hindu supporters. As Satheesan put it, “The crime epitomised the government’s entrenched corruption, nepotism and barely concealed contempt for the faith of people in their respective religions.”
Adding to the LDF’s woes, a statement by CPM veteran M M Mani accusing people of “ingratitude” after accepting government pensions and benefits stirred controversy and backlash. The party’s inability to highlight its achievements in poverty eradication and social welfare, alongside a failure to clarify its position on contentious issues, further undermined its standing.
For the Congress, the victory brings its own set of challenges. While the party’s organizational unity delivered results, internal jockeying for the chief minister’s post among leaders such as Satheesan, K C Venugopal, and Ramesh Chennithala could threaten cohesion. Venugopal was quick to give credit to the collective effort, declaring, “People are our captains,” while Chennithala called for continued unity to achieve a historic Assembly win.
Looking ahead, the local body results are seen as a bellwether for the 2026 Assembly elections. Analysts suggest the UDF could win 80 to 90 of the 140 seats, well above the 71-seat majority threshold, while the LDF may be reduced to 40-60 seats. The critical variable remains the BJP’s role as a vote splitter in three-cornered contests, potentially tilting the balance in the Congress’s favor.
The implications of this seismic shift extend far beyond Kerala’s borders. If the LDF loses the 2026 Assembly elections, it would mark the first time since the 1970s that communist parties hold no state government in India—a potentially terminal blow to their organizational capacity and national relevance. As the red flag still flies over party offices, the question is whether the wind brings renewal or relegation. The coming months will test the resolve of Kerala’s political actors and shape the future of one of India’s most politically sophisticated states.
