On Sunday, November 23, 2025, the complex and contentious issue of military conscription once again took center stage in both Jordan and Israel, as lawmakers and leaders moved forward with significant changes to their respective national service laws. The developments, while rooted in local concerns, echoed broader debates about national unity, political power, and the evolving relationship between religious communities and the state.
In Amman, the Jordanian Senate unanimously approved a draft amendment to the National Service and Reserve Service Law of 2025, marking the final legislative step toward reactivating the country’s National Service program. The legislative session, chaired by Senate President Faisal Fayez and attended by Prime Minister Dr. Jaafar Hassan and Cabinet members, was the culmination of months of debate and anticipation. According to Ammon News, the Senate’s Legal Committee had already endorsed the bill the previous Thursday, November 20, without changes, as submitted by the Lower House.
The new law, scheduled to take effect at the start of February 2026, will reinstate a three-month military conscription for eligible Jordanians. The rationale, as outlined during the session, is to regulate new legal requirements for activating and implementing conscription, a move that reflects both security concerns and a desire to foster civic responsibility among the country’s youth. The program’s return was first announced by His Royal Highness Crown Prince Al Hussein bin Abdullah II last August, during a meeting with young men and women from northern Irbid Governorate. The Crown Prince’s announcement was widely seen as a signal of the monarchy’s commitment to strengthening national cohesion in a time of regional uncertainty.
Just across the border, Israel’s own struggle with conscription policy reached a fever pitch. The Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, led by Boaz Bismuth of the Likud party, has been locked in a high-stakes debate over a bill to regulate the enlistment of ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) men into the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). On November 10, Bismuth wrote to IDF Personnel Directorate chief Maj. Gen. Dado Bar Kalifa, demanding a clear timetable for the approval of a General Staff order that would formalize arrangements for Haredi servicemen. Bismuth’s frustration was palpable: “Now, ahead of the continuation of discussions on the enlistment law, I have again demanded answers. I am determined to complete the regulation of the issue, but continuing the process requires the approval of the General Staff Order, a central and essential component for advancing the law, strengthening trust, and creating an infrastructure that will enable the formulation of a real solution.” (The Times of Israel)
The General Staff order, considered a “basic condition for the army’s ability to manage the issue in a professional, transparent and coordinated manner,” has become a flashpoint. Haredi leaders, such as Rabbi Moshe Maya of the Shas party’s Council of Torah Sages, have insisted that without such an order, any arrangement for Haredi enlistment would be “worthless.” The IDF, for its part, already operates special units and a battalion for ultra-Orthodox troops, and in August 2025, a group of Haredi soldiers completed seven months of training, culminating in a beret march at Jerusalem’s Western Wall.
Political maneuvering has been intense. The Degel HaTorah party, representing a segment of the Haredi community, has thrown its support behind Bismuth’s draft legislation, while Agudat Yisrael remains opposed. Shas, another influential ultra-Orthodox party, has reportedly signaled approval. Yet even among Haredi factions, the issue is far from settled, with some leaders wary that the proposed law could open the door to “mass evasion” of military service by their followers. According to Ynet, the Haredi draft bill was expected to be discussed again in Bismuth’s committee during the week beginning November 24, 2025, but confusion lingered, as senior sources in the United Torah Judaism party told The Times of Israel they were unaware of any such message from the Prime Minister’s Office.
Against this legislative backdrop, the political stakes have risen sharply. An analysis published on November 23, 2025, explored the motivations behind Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision to green-light renewed discussions on the draft exemption law. Was he responding to pressure from influential religious figures like Dov Lando, or to the Supreme Court’s ruling—led by Deputy President Zalman Rubinstein—that gave the government 45 days to define economic sanctions for draft dodgers? Or perhaps it was the week-long protests outside Shas Knesset members’ homes that forced Netanyahu’s hand?
The analysis pointed out that Netanyahu’s approach has often been one of calculated indecision, keeping all options open until the last possible moment. “Netanyahu is now in his favorite space... the limbo between decision and indecision, when you can still throw all the balls up in the air, dribble, explode large, surprise,” the piece observed. The prime minister’s dilemma is clear: in a pre-election period, should he risk alienating the Haredi parties by pushing the conscription law, or maintain their support by delaying the legislation and offering them increased funding and powers?
Meanwhile, Avigdor Liberman, leader of the secularist Yisrael Beiteinu party, has taken a hardline stance. He blames the IDF for the “Haredi recruitment fiasco” and has proposed stripping voting rights from draft evaders who are imprisoned. “The army failed miserably,” Liberman declared, arguing that removing voting rights from all prisoners—Haredi or otherwise—would be a fair and effective deterrent. His proposal, which echoes practices in some other democracies, has sparked heated debate about civil rights and the appropriate balance between national security and individual freedoms.
These debates unfold against a backdrop of broader political and diplomatic challenges for Israel. The analysis described a government under pressure both at home and abroad, with Netanyahu accused of prioritizing his own political survival over national interests. The piece noted that Israel’s standing in Washington has grown precarious, as younger generations of American politicians and voters become increasingly critical of Israeli policies. Regional dynamics, too, are shifting rapidly, with Turkey and Qatar gaining influence in Gaza, and the United States granting a defense treaty to Qatar while sidelining Israel in key diplomatic forums.
For both Jordan and Israel, the question of conscription is about more than military manpower—it is a test of social cohesion, political leadership, and the ability to adapt to changing realities. Jordan’s move to reinstate national service is framed as a step toward unity and resilience, while Israel’s struggle to resolve the Haredi draft issue exposes deep divisions within society and government. As lawmakers on both sides of the Jordan River grapple with these challenges, the stakes—for their countries and for the region—could hardly be higher.
In the weeks ahead, all eyes will be on the implementation of Jordan’s new conscription law and the outcome of Israel’s legislative wrangling. The choices made now will reverberate for years to come, shaping not just the composition of armies, but the very fabric of national identity.