In a move that has sent ripples through Indonesia’s political and security establishment, President Prabowo Subianto on September 17, 2025, appointed retired General Djamari Chaniago as the nation’s new coordinating minister for politics and security. The decision, announced at a formal ceremony at the State Palace in Central Jakarta, follows a period of intense unrest and deadly protests that have proven to be one of the sternest challenges of Subianto’s presidency, according to reports from ABC and ANTARA.
Chaniago, 77, steps into the role at a critical juncture, replacing Budi Gunawan, who was removed earlier in September without an immediate successor. Gunawan’s dismissal came on the heels of violent demonstrations that swept across the country in late August, leaving 10 people dead and many more injured. The protests, which began as a response to revelations that all 580 members of Indonesia’s House of Representatives were receiving a monthly housing allowance of 50 million rupiah (about $3,075)—nearly 10 times the minimum wage in Jakarta—quickly escalated into a broader outcry against political privilege and economic hardship.
Public anger boiled over after the death of Affan Kurniawan, a 21-year-old motorcycle delivery driver, who was fatally struck by a police vehicle during the Jakarta protests. His death became a rallying point for demonstrators, symbolizing, for many, the disconnect between Indonesia’s political elite and ordinary citizens. As reported by ABC and Al Jazeera, the unrest was further fueled by a faltering economy and perceptions of government indifference.
The fallout from the protests was swift and far-reaching. Not only was Gunawan removed from his post, but four other ministers lost their jobs as well, including Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, a respected technocrat who had previously served as executive director of the International Monetary Fund and managing director of the World Bank. President Subianto did not publicly explain the reasons for the mass dismissals, but local media and analysts speculated that Gunawan’s failure to coordinate effectively with military and police officials during the crisis, combined with his declining health, played a significant role in his ouster.
The appointment of Djamari Chaniago is widely seen as a strategic move by Subianto to consolidate his grip on power and restore stability. Chaniago is no stranger to the inner workings of Indonesia’s military and political apparatus. Born in Padang, West Sumatra, on April 8, 1949, he graduated from the Military Academy in 1971 and quickly rose through the ranks of the Indonesian Army, serving in the elite Kostrad infantry unit. Chaniago’s military career is marked by participation in major operations, including the 1975 integration of East Timor (Operation Seroja), where he served alongside none other than Prabowo Subianto himself.
From 1997 to 1998, Chaniago commanded Military Region III/Siliwangi, and in 1998 he took over as commander of Kostrad, the Army Strategic Reserve Command, during one of Indonesia’s most turbulent political periods. He later served as Chief of the General Staff of the Indonesian National Armed Forces from 2000 to 2004. His experience extends beyond the barracks—Chaniago was also a member of the People’s Consultative Assembly, representing West Java and the Armed Forces faction during the late 1990s.
Chaniago’s appointment is especially noteworthy given his history with Subianto. In 1998, as Indonesia reeled from the collapse of President Suharto’s regime, Chaniago was one of seven generals on the Officers Council of Honor, which investigated the kidnapping and torture of activists opposed to Suharto. Subianto, then a general and commander of the elite Kopassus force, was found by the council to have "misinterpreted the orders" of his superiors. He was dishonorably discharged after soldiers under his command were implicated in the abductions—13 of the 22 kidnapped activists remain missing to this day. Several of Subianto’s men were tried and convicted, but Subianto himself never faced trial, instead entering a period of self-imposed exile in Jordan. Chaniago replaced Subianto as commander of Kostrad during this fraught transition.
The symbolism of Chaniago’s elevation—once a rival and even a figure of discipline for Subianto—has not been lost on observers. As Selamat Ginting, a political and military analyst from the National University, told ABC, "Prabowo needs broad support, including from senior military personnel and the old elite who once stood against him, to realize his big agenda as Indonesia's new leader." Ginting added that this is not simply a matter of forgiveness, but a calculated move to consolidate legitimacy and stability. "Those who once ‘punished’ him have now become part of ‘Prabowo accepted by all parties’ narrative," he said.
Security experts, such as Khairul Fahmi from the Institute for Security and Strategic Studies, have emphasized the importance of having a strong, publicly accepted coordinating minister. The Menko Polkam (Coordinating Minister for Politics, Law, and Security) role is central to Indonesia’s government, overseeing ministries like Defense, Home Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Communications, the Police, the Military, and the Attorney General’s Office. Fahmi noted that Chaniago’s extensive defense and political background make him "the ideal figure to oversee Indonesia’s political and security coordination," particularly in a time of national uncertainty.
At the same ceremony, President Subianto also swore in three other ministers who had been removed from the Cabinet earlier without named successors. Among them was Erick Thohir, a 55-year-old businessman and politician with international credentials. Thohir, a close ally of former President Joko Widodo, previously served as minister of state-owned enterprises and now moves to the post of minister of youth and sports. He is also the former owner and chairman of Italian football club Inter Milan and U.S. soccer club D.C. United, and has chaired the Football Association of Indonesia since 2023.
Subianto’s reshuffle and his choice of Chaniago as security chief are widely interpreted as part of a broader effort to restore public confidence and reassert control after a period of visible governmental weakness. According to Al Jazeera, the president has increasingly relied on former generals for key posts and has given the military expanded responsibilities, from handling street protests to implementing social programs and even managing new state-owned enterprises.
For now, the eyes of Indonesia—and indeed much of the world—are on Jakarta, as the nation’s third-largest democracy seeks to steady itself after a season of turmoil. Whether the appointment of Djamari Chaniago and the broader Cabinet reshuffle will deliver the stability and legitimacy President Subianto seeks remains to be seen, but one thing is certain: the stakes for Indonesia’s future have rarely been higher.