As dawn broke over Georgetown on September 1, 2025, lines of voters snaked outside polling stations across Guyana, marking the start of what many describe as the most consequential election in the nation’s history. In a country once counted among the poorest in the Western Hemisphere, the stakes could hardly be higher: the next government will command an oil-driven economic windfall unprecedented in Guyana’s modern era.
Guyana’s transformation has been nothing short of extraordinary. In just six years, the nation’s gross domestic product has soared from just over US$5 billion in 2019 to US$25 billion by 2024, according to the Financial Times. The World Bank now calls Guyana the world’s fastest-growing economy, with GDP climbing at an average rate of 15% annually. This meteoric rise is powered by nearly 900,000 barrels of oil pumped daily from offshore fields—an operation led by ExxonMobil and its international partners, who have their sights set on expanding production even further. Government projections suggest oil revenues could reach US$41 billion over the next five years.
Yet, for all the new wealth, the benefits remain unevenly spread. While the capital bustles with new highways, hospitals, and luxury hotels, many Guyanese still grapple with inadequate housing, spotty healthcare, and persistent poverty. The United Nations estimated in 2019 that nearly half the population lived below the poverty line—a sobering statistic in a nation now awash in oil money. A 2024 BBC News report described the stark contrast: gleaming skyscrapers in Georgetown, but in outlying regions, young people still sell snacks on street corners or beg for change.
Against this backdrop, six parties vied for control of the presidency and the 65-seat Parliament. But the real contest, as nearly every observer agreed, came down to three men: incumbent President Irfaan Ali of the Indo-Guyanese-backed People’s Progressive Party (PPP), opposition leader Aubrey Norton of the Afro-Guyanese-supported A Partnership for National Unity (APNU), and billionaire businessman Azruddin Mohamed, who leads the upstart We Invest In Nationhood (WIN) party. Mohamed, whose party was founded only in March 2025, has positioned himself as a disruptor of Guyana’s entrenched two-party system.
President Ali, a 45-year-old urban planner, has governed since 2020 and is seeking a second term. He campaigned on a platform of continuity and expansion, telling a rally of jubilant supporters, “We ask you to trust us once more to deliver greater, better, faster and more efficiently. We have the experience, and you can trust us to lead you into the bright prosperous future ahead of us.” He points to government initiatives such as free university tuition, ambitious housing projects, and cash transfers as evidence that oil wealth is already making a difference.
But the opposition is not convinced. Aubrey Norton, a 68-year-old political scientist, accuses the PPP of corruption, nepotism, and mismanagement of oil revenues. “Our aim is to restore decency in Guyana, to restore law and order, and to lift the people of Guyana out of poverty. We want to build a society that truly serves its people and ensures that every Guyanese benefits from our nation’s oil wealth,” Norton declared at his party’s final rally. Many of his supporters argue that the oil contracts signed with ExxonMobil are far too favorable to the company and must be renegotiated to ensure a bigger share for Guyana.
Mohamed, meanwhile, is a polarizing figure. Despite being sanctioned by the United States for alleged public corruption and bribery between 2019 and 2023—allegations he denies—he’s managed to attract a following among first-time and younger voters. DeLinda Henry, an Indigenous mother of four, explained her support: “It is time to try something else other than the PPP and the APNU. I am supporting WIN because Mr. Mohamed does not need to steal any money. ...He is a billionaire and has lots of his own.”
The U.S. government, however, has made its concerns about Mohamed’s candidacy clear. As Ambassador Nicole Theriot told reporters, “We would have to make sure that we didn’t work with him specifically,” suggesting that U.S. agencies and companies might avoid dealings with any committees or agencies he leads. This stance throws into question how international relations—and foreign investment—could be affected should Mohamed’s party gain real power.
Guyana’s political landscape remains deeply shaped by ethnic divisions. Indo-Guyanese, who make up about 40% of the population, largely back the PPP, while Afro-Guyanese (around 30%) have traditionally supported the APNU and its predecessor, the People’s National Congress Reform. Indigenous communities, about 10% of the population, and people of mixed descent often find themselves caught between these two poles. These divides are not just political—they’re reflected in disparities in employment, education, and access to basic services.
Amid the domestic contest, Guyana faces a looming external threat: the border dispute with Venezuela over the Essequibo region, a territory rich in oil and minerals that makes up two-thirds of Guyana’s landmass. Caracas has ramped up its campaign in recent years, even holding local elections in Essequibo despite clear instructions from the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to maintain the status quo. In early 2025, Venezuelan naval vessels reportedly entered Guyana’s exclusive economic zone, prompting diplomatic protests and urgent appeals for international support. President Ali has called these moves a “full-frontal assault” on Guyana’s sovereignty, a sentiment echoed by regional partners such as CARICOM and international allies in Washington and London.
With 757,000 registered voters in a country of just under 800,000 inhabitants, turnout was expected to be high. Voting took place at some 2,800 polling stations, with ballots printed for six parties. The Guyana Elections Commission anticipated that results would be available by September 4 or later, a reminder of the protracted five-month standoff over vote counting that marred the 2020 election. To bolster confidence in the process, international observers from The Carter Center, the Organization of American States, and CARICOM were on the ground monitoring the vote. Still, concerns lingered: The Carter Center, in a pre-election statement, criticized the authorities for failing to release the 2022 population census, calling it a “regrettable lapse” that “obscures public understanding of basic population demographics and their potential relation to the size of the voter list.”
For everyday Guyanese, the election was about more than just choosing a president. Evelyn Crawford, a 75-year-old retiree, summed up a common sentiment: “What they give us is way not enough. I would like to see that people are lifted out of poverty.” The monthly state pension for those over 65 stands at just $200—a figure many see as woefully inadequate given the country’s newfound wealth.
As the world watches, the outcome of this election will determine not only who controls billions in oil revenue, but also whether Guyana can chart a path that lifts all its citizens or falls prey to the inequalities and instability that often haunt resource-rich nations. The choices made now will echo for generations, shaping the future of a country on the cusp of dramatic change.