Guinea-Bissau, a small West African nation long known for political turbulence, was thrust into chaos once again late last month when armed soldiers stormed the country’s electoral commission headquarters, seizing voting materials and destroying the servers that stored the results of a fiercely contested presidential election. The coup, which unfolded on November 26, 2025, just one day before the scheduled release of provisional results, has not only upended the country’s fragile democracy but also shaken the foundations of regional cooperation in West Africa.
According to Al Jazeera, the electoral commission’s senior official Idrissa Djalo stated, “We do not have the material and logistic conditions to follow through with the electoral process.” Djalo explained that the attackers “confiscated the computers of all 45 staff members who were at the commission that day,” and that tally sheets from every region, along with the main results server, had been destroyed. “It is impossible to complete the electoral process without the tally sheets from the regions,” he stressed. The commission, unable to continue or complete the electoral process, was forced to halt the election entirely.
The November 23, 2025, presidential election had already been marred by controversy. Both incumbent President Umaro Sissoco Embalo and opposition candidate Fernando Dias da Costa claimed victory in the immediate aftermath of the vote, even before any official results were released. The opposition African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), a historically dominant force, had been barred from presenting a candidate—a move widely condemned by civil society groups as part of a broader crackdown on dissent. The barring of the PAIGC candidate, as reported by Nigerian Tribune, was seen by many as a sign of deepening political intolerance and a warning of further instability to come.
On the day of the coup, several government buildings, including the electoral commission headquarters, came under attack. The commission’s spokesperson, Idriça Djalo, described how “armed and hooded men” invaded the premises, seizing personal belongings, computers, documents, and vital election tallying records. The server containing the national counting software was also destroyed. Djalo emphasized that in Guinea-Bissau, “the electoral process works in a cascade. Failing one stage automatically affects the entire process.” With no regional counting records left, the commission could not publish the results as planned on November 27.
In the immediate aftermath of the coup, General Denis N’Canha, head of the presidential military office, announced the takeover and the incarceration of President Embalo, his chief of staff, and the interior minister at the General Staff Headquarters in Malabo. They were reportedly being well-treated. The new junta wasted no time in imposing strict controls: all air, land, and sea borders were closed, a national curfew was declared, and demonstrations and strikes were banned.
Major-General Horta Inta-A was sworn in as transitional president on November 27, effectively terminating the election process. He promised a one-year transitional period and quickly appointed a 28-member cabinet dominated by figures aligned with the deposed president. Over the weekend, the new government was sworn in, with five military personnel among the ministers and secretaries of state. Ilídio Vieira Té, Embaló’s former minister, was named both prime minister and finance minister.
President Embalo, who was arrested during the coup, managed to flee to Brazzaville, the capital of the Republic of Congo. Meanwhile, Nigeria authorized protection for opposition candidate Dias da Costa, citing an “imminent threat to his life.” The PAIGC’s leader, Domingos Simões Pereira, was also arrested during the coup. The opposition denounced the military takeover as a maneuver to prevent the release of election results, further fueling suspicions of a power grab orchestrated to maintain the status quo.
The international reaction was swift and decisive. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a regional bloc established in 1975 to foster economic cooperation, peace, and good governance, immediately suspended Guinea-Bissau from its ranks. The African Union quickly followed suit. The ECOWAS Heads of State and Government, chaired by Sierra Leone’s President Julius Maada Bio, convened virtually on November 27 to review the crisis. The bloc warned the coup leaders to restore constitutional order and return to the barracks or face possible sanctions.
On December 1, a high-level ECOWAS delegation led by President Bio traveled to Bissau to meet with the junta and electoral officials, urging “a complete restoration of constitutional order.” ECOWAS leaders, as reported by Al Jazeera, threatened sanctions against those undermining the democratic process and scheduled another meeting for December 14 to further assess the crisis and decide on next steps.
The coup in Guinea-Bissau comes at a time when ECOWAS itself is grappling with internal fractures. Earlier in 2025, Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger withdrew from the bloc in protest of what they described as its hardline stance against military takeovers. Their exit, formalized with the signing of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) treaty, reduced ECOWAS’s membership from 15 to 12. With Guinea-Bissau’s suspension, the number has dropped to 11. According to Blueprint, these developments have raised concerns in diplomatic circles that the bloc is losing its ability to act as a stabilizing force in the region, especially as military interventions become more frequent.
Guinea-Bissau is no stranger to coups. Since gaining independence from Portugal in 1974, the country has experienced a series of military takeovers and prolonged political crises. The 2019 presidential election, for instance, was followed by four months of deadlock as both main contenders claimed victory. In the years since, President Embalo’s decision to rule by decree after dissolving the opposition-dominated legislature only deepened divisions and set the stage for the current turmoil.
The broader context is equally troubling. West Africa faces existential threats from terror groups such as the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) and ISIS splinter factions, which continue to destabilize the Sahel region. As Blueprint notes, the weakening of ECOWAS and the resurgence of military rule in member states could create new opportunities for these groups to expand their operations, threatening not only Guinea-Bissau but the entire West African coast.
For now, Guinea-Bissau remains under military control, its democratic future uncertain. The coming months will test the resolve of both domestic actors and international partners to restore constitutional order and prevent further backsliding. As the region grapples with the fallout, the lesson is clear: the cycle of coups and contested elections can only be broken by addressing the root causes—bad governance, political exclusion, and the enduring temptation of military intervention. The stakes, for Guinea-Bissau and its neighbors, could hardly be higher.
