Gerry Adams, the face of Irish republicanism for decades and a pivotal figure during the Troubles, took the stand in London’s High Court on March 17, 2026, to categorically deny allegations that he ever held a role or rank within the Irish Republican Army (IRA). This high-profile civil trial, now in its sixth day, sees Adams, aged 77, facing accusations brought by three men injured in IRA bombings in London and Manchester during the 1970s and 1990s. The claimants, John Clark, Jonathan Ganesh, and Barry Laycock, seek a symbolic £1 each in damages, arguing that Adams should be held personally liable for their injuries as a senior IRA figure.
Adams arrived at court on St Patrick’s Day, wearing a green tie and a sprig of shamrock, and began his testimony by wishing the judge and courtroom “a very happy St Patrick’s Day.” He also wore a Palestinian flag pin—a nod, perhaps, to his longstanding support for global causes of self-determination. According to BBC, Adams presented a 20-page witness statement asserting, “I was never a member of the IRA or its army council. I never held any role or rank within the IRA.” He further emphasized, “I had no involvement whatsoever, in the authorisation, planning or conduct of the bombings in which the claimants were sadly injured.”
The trial, presided over by Mr Justice Swift, is the first time Adams has faced such allegations in an English court, though he’s no stranger to legal scrutiny over his alleged IRA connections. The claimants argue Adams “acted with others in furtherance of a common design to bomb the British mainland,” specifically referencing attacks at London’s Old Bailey in 1973 and two 1996 bombings in Manchester and London Docklands. In total, these attacks left three people dead and scores injured.
Adams, who led Sinn Féin—the IRA’s former political wing—from 1983 until 2018, has always denied membership in the IRA, despite persistent allegations from former group members, British intelligence, and sections of the public. In court, he maintained, “To be clear, I had no involvement in or advance knowledge” of the bombings, and added, “These allegations are untrue.” He stressed that his “political work” since the late 1960s was well known, noting, “I worked with many others over many years to bring the conflict in the north of Ireland to an end. Although I am retired from front-line politics, I remain committed to assisting all efforts to cement the peace process and to promote Irish unity.”
The claimants’ case is built on decades-old intelligence reports and testimony from former police and army personnel, some of whom allege that Adams sat on the IRA’s Army Council from the late 1970s until 2005. Retired Colonel Richard Kemp, as reported by BBC, told the court it was “inconceivable” Adams would not have been involved in authorising the 1996 bombings, particularly as the Docklands attack ended the first IRA ceasefire. Other witnesses have claimed Adams played an “instrumental” role in the decision to bomb the Old Bailey in 1973, when he was allegedly a senior IRA figure in Belfast.
Adams’ legal team has dismissed the case as “an assortment of hearsay,” arguing that it has been brought too late—well after the three-year limitation period set out in 1980 legislation. Nonetheless, the claimants raised over £100,000 through crowdfunding to bring the case, underlining the enduring pain and controversy surrounding the Troubles’ legacy. Notably, due to a pre-trial ruling, Adams cannot recover legal costs from the claimants even if he is successful in his defense. The emotional stakes are high, but so are the financial ones.
In his testimony, Adams was questioned for nearly five hours by Sir Max Hill KC, a former director of public prosecutions. Hill pressed Adams on his past public statements, his presence at IRA funerals, and his long-standing support for the republican cause. When asked, “It’s your business to defend many actions of the IRA, is that an accurate statement?” Adams replied, “I do not defend all the IRA actions, but my position is based on the broad principle that people have the right to resist occupation.” He went on to say, “I do not stand by everything that they did, but these were my neighbours. I’m glad that the IRA has left the stage, I’m glad that no-one else is being killed. I am glad that there is a peace process but I do not distance myself from the IRA, while being very, very clear that there were dastardly things that were done that should never have been done.”
Hill also referenced a photograph of Adams at an IRA funeral wearing a black beret, suggesting this was evidence of membership. Adams countered, “I was part of a guard of honour, of which I was honoured to be a part. But there is no suggestion I was a member of the ANC [African National Congress],” drawing a parallel to his participation in Nelson Mandela’s funeral guard of honour. Hill further pressed on the 1972 talks between the UK government and an alleged IRA delegation, which included Adams. Citing the late Seán Mac Stíofáin’s assertion that the delegation comprised “exclusively” IRA members, Adams insisted Mac Stíofáin was “mistaken.”
Adams’ legal history is as complex as the conflict he helped to end. He was charged with IRA membership in 1978, but the case was dropped due to insufficient evidence. His only Troubles-era convictions—two attempts to escape prison while interned without trial in the 1970s—were quashed in 2020 by the UK Supreme Court. In 2025, Adams won a libel case in Dublin against the BBC over allegations he was involved in the killing of a British spy. He has previously faced questioning about his alleged IRA past at the Ballymurphy inquest in Belfast in 2019 and during the 2025 libel proceedings.
Adams’ political career is inextricably linked to the story of the Troubles and the peace process. As president of Sinn Féin, he became the best-known face of the movement seeking to end British rule in Northern Ireland. He played a key role in negotiating the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, which brought about power-sharing in Northern Ireland’s Assembly, allowed for dual citizenship, and set the stage for a potential future referendum on Irish unity. Adams served as a British MP from 1983 to 1992 and again from 1997 to 2011, though he and Sinn Féin famously boycotted their seats in protest of what they considered illegitimate British rule. He later served in the Northern Irish parliament at Stormont Castle before retiring from active politics in 2020.
The trial continues, with Adams expected to give further evidence. The case, while unlikely to resolve the enduring controversies of the Troubles, shines a spotlight once again on the unresolved pain, political complexities, and personal histories that still shape Northern Ireland’s present. As the courtroom drama unfolds, the question of personal accountability versus collective history remains as fraught—and as important—as ever.