The waters of the Caribbean have rarely been so tense. In the waning days of August 2025, a dramatic standoff emerged between the United States and Venezuela, with both nations flexing military muscle and technological prowess in a contest that’s as much about drones as it is about warships. Underpinning it all is a web of cartel violence, international alliances, and the ever-evolving threat of unmanned aerial warfare, both on the battlefield and in the shadowy plans of extremists at home.
According to The Guardian, American security agencies are increasingly alarmed by the open discussions among far-right extremist groups about using homemade FPV (First Person View) drones as strategic weapons in what they ominously call a potential “second civil war.” These groups, inspired by the use of drones in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, as well as by terrorist organizations and Latin American drug cartels, see cheap, real-time surveillance drones as force multipliers—tools that could tip the scales in any domestic confrontation. “The use of FPV drones in the war between Russia and Ukraine, the use of drones by terrorist groups like the Islamic State, and the use of drones by criminal groups like drug cartels provide examples that domestic extremists may seek to emulate or learn from,” said Joshua Fisher-Birch, a longtime analyst of extremist activity, in comments to The Guardian.
These concerns aren’t merely theoretical. Fisher-Birch cited a recent incident in Nashville, where a neo-Nazi plotted to bomb a power plant using a drone, only to be thwarted by law enforcement. The FBI, for its part, has refused to comment publicly, but sources told The Guardian that the bureau is closely monitoring neo-Nazi sects and other ultra-violent actors who are actively exploring the use of drones for domestic attacks. “Far-right groups that promote violence are looking for people with military training and professional skills that can be passed on to other members,” Fisher-Birch added.
It’s not lost on these extremists that drones have become central to modern warfare. They pore over military pamphlets and online discussions, sharing tactics and lessons learned from criminal organizations south of the border. “Pretty good research on how [drones] are being used by cartels, some useful insights can be found here,” read a post from a popular neo-Nazi Telegram account, according to The Guardian. The message was accompanied by a military manual on drone warfare, underscoring just how seriously these groups are taking the technology.
Meanwhile, a much more visible drone deployment is playing out in the Caribbean. The United States, citing the need to disrupt the operations of powerful Latin American drug cartels, has sent a formidable naval armada to the region. As reported by The Washington Post and Legal Insurrection, the U.S. contingent now includes three Aegis guided-missile destroyers (USS Gravely, USS Jason Dunham, and USS Sampson), two landing dock ships, an amphibious assault ship, a cruiser, a littoral combat ship, and more than 4,500 personnel—all either already in the region or en route. The USS Lake Erie, a guided missile cruiser, and the nuclear submarine USS Newport News are expected to join the operation in early September 2025.
Each destroyer carries detachments of U.S. Coast Guard and law enforcement personnel tasked with making arrests and detentions during drug interdiction missions. The operation has prompted sharp rhetoric from Washington, which accuses Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro of heading the Cartel de los Soles, a cocaine trafficking syndicate the Trump administration has designated a terrorist organization. In a dramatic escalation, the U.S. government recently doubled its bounty for Maduro’s capture to $50 million, seeking to bring him to justice on drug charges.
Venezuela, for its part, has not stood idly by. On August 26, 2025, Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino announced a “significant” deployment of drones and warships to patrol the country’s Caribbean coastline, including “larger vessels further north in our territorial waters.” In a video posted to social media, Padrino cast the move as a necessary response to U.S. aggression, even as Caracas petitioned the United Nations to demand the “immediate cessation of the US military deployment in the Caribbean.”
But Venezuela’s drone program is no mere show of force. According to an in-depth investigation by the Miami Herald and Latin Times, the country has spent more than a decade developing one of Latin America’s most advanced unmanned aircraft programs—much of it with heavy Iranian influence. The effort began in 2012, when then-President Hugo Chávez announced domestic production of surveillance drones on national television. “We are also building a factory of unmanned drones. Of course we are doing it, and we have every right to do so,” Chávez declared, emphasizing that the project was for defensive purposes only and highlighting support from Russia, China, Iran, and other allies.
What started as a $28 million contract for Iranian Mohajer-2 surveillance drone kits has since evolved into a sophisticated arsenal: reconnaissance drones, armed aircraft, stealth systems, and explosive-laden kamikaze models, all largely modeled on Iranian designs. The Miami Herald reviewed official Venezuelan government documents, some signed by Chávez himself, revealing that billions of dollars were funneled into this covert partnership under the guise of harmless projects. In November 2024, Iran and Venezuela deepened their strategic partnership by signing agreements on visa exemptions, technology transfers, and artificial intelligence training. Iran’s military now maintains a presence at Venezuela’s El Libertador Air Base, training Venezuelan personnel to operate advanced drones like the Mohajer-6 and Shahed-131—models that have seen action in Ukraine and the Middle East.
“Collaboration with Iran was crucial. Venezuela never could have developed drones independently, and even now, the Iranians maintain control over the facilities. Venezuelan personnel aren’t allowed access without their approval,” an anonymous source told the Miami Herald. The government’s creation of Empresa Aeronáutica Nacional S.A. in 2020 marked a turning point, overseeing drone and aircraft production as international arms export restrictions on Iran eased. By 2022, Venezuela was publicly showcasing armed drones like the ANSU-100 and ANSU-200, capable of both surveillance and precision air-to-ground strikes. With the ANSU-100, Venezuela became the first Latin American country to operate armed drones, sources told the Herald.
The regional implications have not gone unnoticed. In September 2021, Colombia lodged a formal protest after a Russian-made Orlan-10 drone operated by Venezuela crossed 1.2 kilometers into Colombian airspace. Venezuelan Defense Minister Padrino dismissed the protest as a tactic aimed at undermining dialogue and rationalizing foreign intervention, framing it as part of a broader scheme to destabilize Venezuela.
The convergence of these trends—extremists in the U.S. emulating cartel drone tactics, a tense U.S.-Venezuela military standoff, and the rise of indigenous drone programs in Latin America—underscores how unmanned aerial technology is reshaping both security threats and statecraft. As both sides deploy drones for surveillance, deterrence, and potentially attack, the Caribbean has become a laboratory for the next phase of drone warfare, with consequences that could ripple far beyond the region.
With both governments digging in and technology advancing at a breakneck pace, there’s little sign that this high-stakes game of drones will de-escalate anytime soon.