As Nepal prepares for its parliamentary elections on March 5, 2026, the nation's political landscape is in a state of flux—marked by both dramatic realignments and persistent divisions. Nowhere is this more evident than among the country’s royalist forces, whose inability to unite threatens to sideline their longstanding agenda for restoring the monarchy and reestablishing Nepal as a Hindu state.
According to The Kathmandu Post, the weeks following the Gen Z uprising of September 8 and 9, 2025, have seen a flurry of mergers and alliances among leftist, centrist, and alternative political groups. The CPN (Maoist Centre) and CPN (Unified Socialist) have merged to form the new Nepali Communist Party, while alternative parties like the Rastriya Swatantra Party and the Bibeksheel Sajha Party have also united. These developments suggest a newfound momentum among progressive and reformist factions eager to capitalize on the political vacuum left by the toppling of the Congress-UML government.
Yet, while other groups are consolidating, royalist parties remain as fragmented as ever. Despite sharing a common goal—the restoration of the monarchy abolished in 2008 and the return to a Hindu state—these groups have failed to form a single, powerful front. Their inability to present a unified alternative casts doubt on their potential influence in the upcoming elections.
This lack of unity is not for want of trying. Earlier this year, several royalist groups staged a joint protest in Kathmandu’s Tinkune on March 28. The demonstration, however, quickly devolved into chaos, resulting in two deaths and widespread damage from vandalism and arson. The movement collapsed on its very first day, a stark illustration of the challenges facing the royalist bloc.
Subsequent efforts to revive the movement have also faltered. On May 28, 2025, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) declared a new ‘people’s movement’ with support from various pro-monarchy groups. However, internal disagreements prevented it from gaining any real momentum. This pattern of discord has persisted, even as the political environment shifted dramatically in the wake of the Gen Z uprising.
The Gen Z movement itself was a turning point in Nepali politics. Sparked by widespread dissatisfaction with the Congress-UML government, the protests on September 8 and 9, 2025, led to the government’s collapse and the appointment of Sushila Karki as prime minister of an interim administration. One of Karki’s first acts was to dissolve the House of Representatives and announce fresh elections for March 5, 2026. This upheaval has prompted numerous parties to seek strength through mergers and alliances, but the royalist camp remains mired in infighting.
Presently, the royalist landscape includes the Rastriya Prajantra Party led by Rajendra Lingden, the Rastriya Prajantra Party-Nepal under Kamal Thapa, the newly registered Nagarik Bachau Dal patronized by Durga Prasai, and the Gen Z Alliance for Monarchy. Other groups, such as those led by former minister Keshar Bahadur Bista and Bipin Koirala’s Congress Democratic, also advocate for the monarchy’s return. Despite this proliferation, meaningful collaboration has proved elusive.
In an effort to overcome these divisions, the RPP formed a committee on November 27, 2025, tasked with pursuing unity and cooperation among like-minded parties. Party leaders Buddhi Man Tamang, Bikram Panday, and Dhruba Bahadur Pradhan were appointed to the committee. However, as one RPP leader candidly admitted to The Kathmandu Post, “Our party has formed a dialogue committee to coordinate with groups that share similar ideology, but there is room to question how effective it will be. Because of internal disputes, even party leaders themselves doubt whether they can effectively bring like-minded individuals together, despite being the largest organisation within this bloc.”
At the heart of these internal disputes is an ongoing power struggle between RPP chair Rajendra Lingden and General Secretary Dhawal Shumsher Rana. Rana himself acknowledged the difficulties, stating, “The party leadership failed to make timely decisions. Nevertheless, we have formed a committee to try to bring like-minded groups together. Let us hope something will come out of it.”
Newer entrants to the royalist cause, such as the Nagarik Bachau Dal, express a willingness to cooperate but have yet to move beyond declarations. Madhav Kalpit, chair of the party, noted, “We are new to politics; it’s only a few days ago that we received party registration and an election symbol from the Election Commission. Still, we are ready to cooperate with parties that share our views.”
Even among groups not planning to contest the election, such as the Gen Z Alliance for Monarchy, there is an awareness of the need for unity. Sanatan Rijal, representing the group, said, “We are considering working from our side to bring the different factions of pro-monarchy parties and groups together for the election. The way the monarchy was abruptly abolished from the country 17 years ago was not a good decision. We want all pro-monarchy forces to come together and establish our agenda.”
Yet, frustration runs deep. Durga Prasai, the patron of Nagarik Bachau Dal, has publicly criticized former king Gyanendra Shah for his perceived inactivity and accused other royalist groups of double standards. “For the same reason, the movement has not reached a conclusion,” Prasai stated at a recent press conference. He also lamented that the former king did not issue a statement when he was arrested for holding protests demanding the monarchy.
While political parties jostle for position, the human cost of the Gen Z uprising remains a pressing issue. According to RSS, the District Administration Office Kathmandu has recently completed a detailed classification of 169 individuals injured during the September 8 and 9 protests. Assistant Chief District Officer Muktiram Rijal explained that the classification, conducted in two phases on November 21 and 28, sorted the injured into four categories: 15 critically injured, 51 seriously injured, 36 moderately injured, and 67 with minor injuries. The process involved hospital visits and ambulance transport for those unable to travel to the administration office.
The Classification Facilitation Committee, coordinated by the Chief District Officer, based its work on the official Procedure for Classification of Injured Persons during Gen Z Demonstrations, 2025. Following this classification, recommendations will be sent to the Ministry of Health and Population, which will arrange necessary services and social security for those affected.
As the March 5 elections approach, Nepal’s political arena is marked by both old grievances and new alliances. The left and centrist parties are seizing the moment, while royalist factions remain mired in disputes that threaten to render them irrelevant. The path forward for Nepal’s pro-monarchy forces remains uncertain, but their next moves will be closely watched by a nation still reckoning with the aftermath of protest, upheaval, and the enduring question of its identity.
