On November 4, 2025, New York state’s political landscape underwent a transformation that stunned both seasoned analysts and political newcomers alike. While much of the media focused on the high-profile victory of Zohran Mamdani in New York City, a closer look reveals that the true seismic shift happened everywhere else in the Empire State. In a year that many expected to be defined by status quo battles, Democrats not only held their ground but surged into territory long considered out of reach, flipping over 50 county legislative seats across New York while Republicans managed to flip just one.
According to a detailed review by POLITICO, Democrats made gains in at least 18 different county legislative bodies in November 2025. The party’s performance was so robust that it rivaled—and in many cases, surpassed—the famed “Blue Wave” of 2017. In counties like Oswego, Ulster, and Onondaga, Democrats picked up five seats apiece. The Onondaga win was particularly historic: Democrats secured their first majority there since the 1970s. In Ulster, they made inroads into towns that had been Republican strongholds for generations, winning their largest majority ever in county history.
What’s behind this sweeping shift? Economic anxiety, say many of the newly elected Democrats. Leslie Berliant, who unseated a Republican incumbent in Otsego County, explained, “It was about peoples’ anxiety. It definitely was a feeling that we don’t feel protected by what’s happening in the federal government, and we need to make sure we have people in place at the local level who care about our needs. Democrats ran on that, and I think it worked.”
This anxiety wasn’t confined to Democratic voters. In the town of Erwin, Democrat Debbie Shannon ousted Republican Steuben County Legislator James Kuhl, son of a former congressman. Shannon told POLITICO, “I knocked on everyone’s door, and the economy is the big hot button issue. Especially for Republicans who said Trump ran on ‘I’m going to lower the price of eggs,’ and that isn’t happening. I think they’re breaking with the administration.”
The numbers tell a compelling story. In 118 municipal executive races outside New York City that were contested in either 2021 or 2023, Democratic ballots swelled from 1.3 million to 1.6 million—a 22 percent increase. Republican ballots grew by only 1 percent, reaching 1.6 million. That means the average Democrat, who lost by 10 points in previous cycles, managed to pull even this year. Even in places where Republicans had some success, the overall trend favored Democrats. For instance, Republicans gained in Saratoga Springs, but Democrats made even bigger advances in neighboring Clifton Park. Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman, a Republican, won reelection handily, but Democrats improved their performance in 17 of the other 21 executive offices on Long Island.
Mayoral races in the state’s five largest cities also broke historical patterns. This was only the second time since 1989 that Democrats won mayoral contests in all five. Sharon Owens became the first Democrat elected mayor of Syracuse in 12 years, Sean Ryan garnered the most votes in a contested Buffalo mayoral race since 1981, and Zohran Mamdani achieved a record-breaking vote count for a Democratic nominee in New York City since at least 1965.
Perhaps most eye-catching were the Democratic breakthroughs in the Rochester suburbs: Penfield elected a Democratic supervisor for the first time in 40 years, Greece for the first time in 120 years, and Perinton for the first time since the Civil War. Democrats also captured mayoral or supervisor offices in towns like Tonawanda, Oneonta, Monroe, Rensselaer, Johnson City, and Riverhead.
Yet, the story isn’t just about party labels. In many rural and exurban regions, successful Democratic candidates distanced themselves from traditional party platforms. Adam Carvell, the newly elected supervisor in Lebanon, a town where Trump received 60 percent of the vote last year, said, “The electorate wasn’t just bothered by the White House’s actions, but policies supported by the sitting Democratic governor, such as an electric vehicle mandate. The boots-on-the-ground take on that here is that’s unworkable … The idea of introducing very expensive, hard to maintain [electric snow plows] scared a lot of people.”
Others, like Don Dabiew in Franklin County, pointed to the economic impact of reduced Canadian tourism: “Almost all the small towns around are seeing an impact of that because people aren’t coming across anymore. There’s some people that are upset with our country as a whole, and they don’t want to support us anymore.” In Canandaigua, mayor-elect Thomas Lyon cited federal job cuts affecting the local VA’s veterans’ suicide hotline as a key issue.
For Governor Kathy Hochul and other Democrats, the November results are a promising sign for the 2026 midterms. The Republican strategy for statewide victory depends on dominating red areas, doing well in suburban towns, and minimizing Democratic margins in New York City. This year, none of those conditions materialized. Still, the anti-establishment undercurrent—especially in rural areas—means the political winds could shift again before next year. As Carvell put it, voters are seeking “leadership that kind of ignores traditional party stances.”
Meanwhile, the city’s incoming mayor, Zohran Mamdani, faces a unique set of challenges. A 34-year-old democratic socialist, Mamdani is set to take office in January 2026 in a city with over a million Jewish residents. His campaign and early statements have sparked concern among the city’s Jewish community. According to a survey published by the Jewish People Policy Institute (JPPI) on November 27, 2025, 67 percent of “connected” American Jews believe Mamdani’s victory will make Jews in New York City less safe, and 64 percent view him as both anti-Israel and antisemitic. The survey, which polled 745 American Jews with strong community ties, highlighted deep anxiety: 56 percent said they were “worried” by Mamdani’s win, with 15 percent of centrists and about 20 percent of conservatives reporting they felt “afraid.”
Mamdani initially declined to condemn slogans such as “globalize the intifada” or to call for the disarmament of Hamas, though he reversed himself on both points following significant backlash. These controversies have left their mark: only 10 percent of “strong liberal” respondents and 1 percent of “leaning liberal” respondents felt happy about Mamdani’s election, and no conservative respondents shared that sentiment. Among those who voted for Donald Trump in 2024, a staggering 96 percent viewed Mamdani as anti-Israel and antisemitic, compared to about 47 percent of Kamala Harris voters.
The JPPI survey also explored broader views on Zionism, marking the 50th anniversary of the now-rescinded UN resolution equating Zionism with racism. An overwhelming 87 percent of respondents said Zionism is not racism, and 70 percent identified as Zionist. The poll included Jews from all major religious streams, with opinions split on whether to reject anti-Israel Jews within their communities. Remarkably, almost none said they wanted to reject pro-Israel Jews.
As the dust settles from November’s elections, New York finds itself at the crossroads of dramatic local political change and deepening cultural divides. The Democratic surge has upended old assumptions about the state’s political geography, while the city’s new leadership faces skepticism and concern from key communities. Next year’s midterms promise to be anything but predictable.