In Indonesia, a wave of mass protests erupting across major cities has left the nation reeling, with at least 1,042 people injured and 10 killed over the course of a single week, according to the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI). The demonstrations, which began as a response to lawmakers’ perks and broader grievances over corruption and inequality, have now been overshadowed by violence, allegations of provocateurs, and a mounting distrust in the authorities’ response.
On September 2, 2025, YLBHI Chair Muhammad Isnur reported that more than a thousand demonstrators were hospitalized due to police violence in cities including Jakarta, Semarang, Yogyakarta, Bali, Bandung, Medan, Sorong, and Malang. "At least 1,042 demonstrators were rushed to hospitals ... due to injuries caused by violence by the authorities," Isnur stated, noting that this figure does not account for those tortured during arrests. The death toll, as of September 1, had reached 10, with one of the most high-profile victims being 21-year-old ride-hailing motorbike rider Affan Kurniawan. Affan lost his life after being run over by a Brimob tactical vehicle on August 28, 2025, and later died at Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital.
The unrest has caused significant infrastructure damage as well. According to authorities, Jakarta alone suffered losses amounting to 80 billion rupiah (about S$6.22 million) in the wake of the protests. The violence has been widely documented, with videos circulating of masked individuals throwing Molotov cocktails and setting public facilities ablaze. One such video, reportedly filmed on August 29, shows a helmeted man igniting a stick and tossing it into a bus stop before fleeing the scene—one of many incidents that have fueled suspicions of shadowy provocateurs at work.
This suspicion is not new in Indonesia. As The Straits Times reported, after every major protest, the narrative often shifts from the demonstrators’ grievances to the alleged presence of invisible hands stoking chaos. President Prabowo Subianto has repeatedly warned of “elements who always want unrest and chaos,” cautioning on August 29 and again on August 31 that groups with hidden agendas seek to destabilize the nation. By September 1, following a visit to injured police personnel, Prabowo labeled the violent acts as “treason.”
Authorities have pointed to social media as a key driver of the unrest. Jakarta police spokesman Senior Commissioner Ade Ary Syam Indradi explained that incitement began with online broadcasts and posts, particularly on TikTok, which reached up to 10 million viewers. "The livestreams were widely shared or reposted ... This is what drew children to the events. Why children? Because TikTok are predominantly used by minors," Ade said. Between August 25 and 31, police detained 1,240 people in front of the House of Representatives, with 629 of them being minors. Most have since been released, but the scale of youth involvement has raised alarm bells across the country.
Police have arrested six suspects accused of inciting violence through social media since August 25, with allegations ranging from posting Molotov cocktail tutorials to promising minors payments to participate in the unrest. Some of those detained were found carrying improvised weapons, such as arrows and bottles, and were allegedly influenced by posts urging them to “fight together” and declaring “the police are useless.”
Yet, the crackdown has not been limited to demonstrators. According to YLBHI, the authorities have also arrested residents near protest sites and restricted access to information. The government suspended TikTok’s live streaming service after summoning the company’s executives in Indonesia, and there have been reports of media bans on covering the protests. Legal aid for detainees has been hampered, with public lawyers from the Legal Aid Institute (LBH) in Manado and Samarinda reportedly arrested and beaten while attempting to represent demonstrators. "This is already a form of terror against the people," Isnur of YLBHI said, urging the government not to ignore the demands of the public.
The police, for their part, maintain that they have acted professionally and according to standard operating procedures. Inspector General Sandi Nugroho, Head of the National Police Public Relations Division, stated on August 31 that "We ensure that the handling is carried out with full responsibility." He emphasized that the police respect the right to freedom of expression, but insisted that protests must remain within the bounds of the law and not harm public interests. "We respect the public's right to express their opinions, but their implementation must comply with legal provisions and not harm the public interest," Sandi said.
As violence escalated, rumors swirled about the involvement of security forces or political rivals as provocateurs. The Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) issued a firm denial on August 31, with Brigadier General Freddy Ardianzah stating, "There were no TNI members arrested by the police or acting as provocateurs. That is an evil, false, and misleading narrative." The National Police Commission (Kompolnas), an independent oversight body, has called for transparency and urged both police and military to clarify these allegations.
Despite these denials, public trust in the police remains low, a sentiment that has only deepened in recent years due to high-profile cases of extortion and fatal shootings involving officers. As political analyst Arif Susanto told The Straits Times, "Throughout the 10 years of former President Joko Widodo’s term, the police were often used as a political tool, which has caused public trust to drop. I hope President Prabowo does not continue that tradition. Many people simply do not trust the police."
On September 2, police fired tear gas and rubber bullets at demonstrators near universities in Bandung—marking the first use of force on or near campuses during these protests. Students described the attacks as "brutal," lamenting that campuses were no longer safe. The incidents have drawn criticism from both Indonesia’s national human rights commission and international organizations, including the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). In response, the Indonesian government issued a statement on September 3, expressing "regret over casualties as well as damage to public facilities, vandalism, arson, and looting that arose during demonstrations." The statement added, "Law enforcement officers carry out their duties based on human rights principles and standards. Measures taken are aimed at maintaining public order, protecting civilians, and securing public facilities in a proportional manner."
Beyond the violence and the blame game, the protests are rooted in genuine discontent. Students, workers, ride-hailing drivers, and Indonesians abroad have all joined the movement, demanding political reform, economic justice, and an end to elite privilege. As ride-hailing driver Hasan put it, "Who enjoys protesting? I would much rather be working. But if no one is protecting my rights, I have to fight for myself." Influencers like Salsa Erwina have amplified these demands online, questioning the government’s spending and priorities. "What have they achieved so far? How much have they succeeded in improving people’s welfare? How many have they lifted out of poverty?" she asked in a widely shared Instagram video.
While provocateurs and vested interests may have hijacked parts of the movement, many ordinary Indonesians remain determined to have their voices heard. The struggle for transparency, accountability, and justice continues—on the streets, online, and in the nation’s collective conscience.