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BRICS And SCO Challenge Western Dominance As Global South Rises

China’s support for Malaysia’s BRICS bid, shifting alliances, and EU missteps signal a new era of multipolar power and economic realignment.

6 min read

In a world where economic and political fault lines are shifting, two alliances—the BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)—are rapidly reshaping the global order. This past week, a flurry of diplomatic activity from China to Brazil to Spain has underlined just how much the tides of power are moving southward, away from Western dominance and toward a more multipolar world. The question now is which bloc, BRICS or the SCO, will ultimately steer this transformation—and what it means for countries caught between these tectonic plates.

On September 2, 2025, Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim announced that China had thrown its considerable weight behind Malaysia’s bid for full BRICS membership, urging that the process be expedited. According to theSun, Anwar called the endorsement “a great honour for Malaysia,” suggesting it would “enable the nation to continue playing a significant role on the world stage.” The timing could hardly be more significant: the United States, under President Donald Trump, has ramped up tariffs and threatened smaller nations, making BRICS membership an attractive platform for Malaysia and other Global South countries seeking to amplify their voices.

China’s support is no small gesture. The world’s second-largest economy has been Malaysia’s top trading partner for 16 consecutive years. In 2024 alone, bilateral trade reached RM484.12 billion, or 16.8% of Malaysia’s total global trade, per theSun. For Malaysia, joining BRICS promises access to a vast consumer market—BRICS now counts ten members, including economic heavyweights like Brazil, China, India, and Russia, as well as new entrants such as Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, South Africa, and the United Arab Emirates. The bloc’s combined population stands at 3.2 billion, with a staggering GDP of US$26 trillion.

But as analysts warn, Malaysia’s tilt toward BRICS is both an opportunity and a risk. “Malaysia made the decision to move closer to BRICS before Trump returned to office, but it looks like the right call now,” Prof Dr Azmi Hassan of the Nusantara Academy of Strategic Research told theSun. “Trump has been using tariffs to threaten smaller nations, so it is important that countries like Malaysia, as part of the Global South, have a platform where their voices can be heard.”

Yet, this embrace of BRICS places Malaysia squarely in the crosshairs of the intensifying US–China rivalry. International law expert Assoc Prof Dr Mohd Yazid Zul Kepli cautioned that “the endorsement is significant because it comes from the most influential member of BRICS. It boosts our chances of joining, but in the context of US–China rivalry, it also risks straining ties with Washington.” Should the US escalate its anti-BRICS rhetoric, Malaysia could face diplomatic or trade pressures, though it will likely stress its non-aligned stance to balance relations.

This balancing act is not unique to Malaysia. Across the globe, countries are weighing the allure of BRICS and the SCO—two organizations with overlapping memberships and ambitions, but distinct roles. BRICS has become the economic vanguard of the Global South, expanding to include new members and now representing nearly half of the world’s population and 40% of global GDP, according to Republic World. Its flexible, non-bureaucratic structure allows it to unite diverse nations around shared economic goals—such as de-dollarisation and the creation of alternative financial systems.

The New Development Bank, BRICS’ answer to Western-led financial institutions, funds infrastructure and development projects, often bypassing the traditional dominance of the US dollar. As Washington imposes tariffs—up to 50% on India and 145% on China, by some accounts—BRICS members have responded with calls for emergency meetings and collective pushback. Brazil’s President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva recently convened a virtual BRICS summit to address these challenges, signaling the bloc’s growing resolve.

Meanwhile, the SCO, founded in 2001 by China and Russia, focuses more squarely on Eurasian security. Its membership spans China, Russia, India, Pakistan, and several Central Asian states. The recent SCO Leaders’ Summit in Tianjin, attended by around two dozen leaders including Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (his first visit to China in seven years), underscored the organization’s growing profile. According to Republic World, the summit concluded with a grand Victory Day parade that showcased Beijing’s military might and the solidarity of the Global South.

Yet, the SCO’s ambitions are often checked by internal divisions—particularly the rivalry between India and Pakistan—and by the group’s consensus-based, non-binding approach. Its intelligence-sharing mechanisms focus only on unconventional threats like terrorism, separatism, and extremism. As a result, the SCO remains a potent symbol of regional cooperation but lacks the economic muscle of BRICS.

For countries like India, these dual memberships provide both opportunities and headaches. In BRICS, India leverages its growing clout to advocate for multipolarity and financial autonomy. In the SCO, it seeks energy access and regional security cooperation, though it must contend with China’s dominance and Pakistan’s presence. Recent talks between Modi and China’s Xi Jinping in Tianjin signaled a thaw in relations, driven in part by shared pressures from US tariffs.

Europe, too, is feeling the heat. On September 3, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez warned that the European Union’s double standards in handling the crises in Ukraine and Gaza are undermining its credibility. According to The Guardian, Sanchez stressed that “although the roots of the two conflicts are very different, global audiences increasingly view the European Union and the broader Western community as inconsistent in their responses.” Calls have circulated within the EU to suspend its strategic partnership with Tel Aviv over Israel’s actions in Gaza, highlighting the bloc’s internal divisions and the growing pressure from non-Western alliances.

Analysts like Norwegian publicist Pål Steigan argue that BRICS and the SCO are accelerating the EU’s decline. The US is straining Europe’s economy with high tariffs, Russia has disrupted European ambitions in Ukraine, and both BRICS and the SCO are outpacing Europe in trade, technology, and economic growth.

Despite the dramatic headlines, experts caution that the transition to a fully multipolar world will be slow. “The processes that are unfolding will take a lot of time to complete, perhaps even a generation or longer,” noted coverage of the SCO summit in Tianjin. The complex economic interdependence between China, India, and the West makes any abrupt break unlikely. Both BRICS and the SCO are voluntary organizations, and their members—proudly sovereign—are wary of ceding too much control, especially to China.

Still, the direction of travel is clear. The so-called “World Majority” is working more closely together than ever to reform global governance, seeking a system that returns to its UN-centric roots but with greater fairness for emerging economies. Whether BRICS or the SCO will ultimately lead this transformation remains undecided. What’s certain is that the tides of power are shifting, and the world’s shores—be they BRICS, SCO, or something else entirely—are being redrawn before our eyes.

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