Brazil’s Supreme Federal Court (STF) marked a historic milestone this week, concluding another chapter in the nation’s ongoing reckoning with the failed coup plot that shook the country during former president Jair Bolsonaro’s administration. On December 16, 2025, the STF’s First Panel delivered a unanimous verdict, convicting five out of six defendants linked to so-called Nucleus 2 of the conspiracy, according to Agência Brasil and The Brazilian Report. This decision brings the total number of convictions in the sprawling investigation to 29, with only two defendants acquitted so far.
The five convicted individuals—Filipe Martins, Marcelo Câmara, Silvinei Vasques, Mário Fernandes, and Marília de Alencar—occupied influential positions in the Bolsonaro government. Filipe Martins served as Bolsonaro’s international affairs adviser, while Marcelo Câmara was a close aide. Silvinei Vasques led the Federal Highway Police, Mário Fernandes was a retired Army general, and Marília de Alencar directed intelligence at the Ministry of Justice. The panel acquitted Fernando de Sousa Oliveira, a career Federal Police officer and former operations director at the Ministry of Justice, citing insufficient evidence.
The court’s decision is not the final word for these defendants. As The Brazilian Report notes, the next step is the sentencing phase, or dosimetria, where penalties will be calculated. The potential sentences for the convicted range from eight to 26 years in prison. However, these sentences will not be carried out immediately, as the ruling is subject to appeal. The STF’s careful approach underscores the gravity of the charges: armed criminal organization, attempted violent abolition of the Democratic Rule of Law, coup d’état, qualified damage involving violence and serious threat, and damage to protected heritage.
The prosecution’s allegations paint a dramatic and troubling picture. According to Agência Brasil, Filipe Martins was among those responsible for drafting the infamous “coup memorandum” in the waning days of Bolsonaro’s presidency. Mário Fernandes, the retired general, stands accused of devising a chilling plan to assassinate President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Vice President Geraldo Alckmin, and Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes. This plot was discovered in a Word document ominously titled “Green and Yellow Dagger.”
Marcelo Câmara’s role, prosecutors allege, involved illegal surveillance of Justice Moraes. Messages seized from the cellphone of Mauro Cid—Bolsonaro’s former aide-de-camp and now a whistleblower—show Câmara informing Cid about Moraes’s whereabouts in São Paulo, referring to him as “professor” in December 2022. Meanwhile, Silvinei Vasques, as head of the Federal Highway Police, allegedly acted to hinder the movement of voters supporting Lula during the decisive second round of the 2022 elections. Marília de Alencar, for her part, was responsible for compiling the intelligence data that underpinned controversial roadblocks on election day.
This week’s convictions are only the latest in a series of high-profile STF rulings targeting different groups, or “nuclei,” within the alleged conspiracy. Since September, the First Panel has convicted 24 individuals from Nuclei 1, 3, and 4, with sentences ranging from just under two years to more than 27 years, as reported by Agência Brasil. The most prominent convictions came on September 11, 2025, when the STF handed down sentences to members of Nucleus 1—a group that included former President Jair Bolsonaro himself. Bolsonaro was sentenced to 27 years and three months in prison, a stunning fall from grace for the former leader. Other top officials, such as Walter Braga Netto (former minister and vice-presidential candidate), Almir Garnier (former Navy commander), Anderson Torres (former justice minister), and Augusto Heleno (former Institutional Security Office head), received sentences between 16 and 26 years. Mauro Cid, the former aide-de-camp, received two years under an open regime as part of a plea bargain.
In October and November, the STF convicted additional groups. Nucleus 3, tried in November, included several military and police officers, with sentences ranging from one year and 11 months to 24 years. Nucleus 4, tried in October, featured Army and police personnel sentenced to between seven and a half and 17 years. The only acquittals so far—besides Fernando de Sousa Oliveira—have gone to Army General Estevam Theófilo, who was tried as part of Nucleus 3, both due to lack of evidence.
The legal process has been both thorough and deliberate. While convictions from Nucleus 1, including Bolsonaro and his closest associates, have already been enforced, the remaining groups are still navigating the appeals process. The STF’s methodical approach has drawn both praise and criticism. Supporters of the court’s actions argue that the trials are essential to upholding the rule of law and deterring future attacks on Brazil’s democracy. Critics, particularly those aligned with Bolsonaro’s political base, claim the proceedings are politically motivated and overly harsh.
One particularly notable case still pending is that of Paulo Figueiredo, the grandson of former dictator João Figueiredo. He is part of Nucleus 5, but lives in the United States and has yet to face trial. This unresolved case hints at the international dimensions and lingering complexities of the investigation.
Underlying the legal drama are the explosive details of the coup plot itself. The “coup memorandum” drafted at the end of Bolsonaro’s term, the “Green and Yellow Dagger” assassination plan, and the coordinated efforts to disrupt the 2022 elections have all come to light through the STF’s investigations. The court’s decisions have relied heavily on evidence such as intercepted communications, seized documents, and testimony from insiders like Mauro Cid. According to The Brazilian Report, the messages exchanged between Câmara and Cid were instrumental in establishing the surveillance of Justice Moraes, while data compiled by Marília de Alencar provided the foundation for the controversial election-day roadblocks.
The far-reaching nature of the convictions—spanning former ministers, military officers, police officials, and intelligence directors—underscores the depth of the conspiracy. At the same time, the STF’s willingness to acquit those for whom evidence was lacking demonstrates a commitment to due process, even amid intense public scrutiny and political polarization.
As Brazil awaits the final sentencing and the outcome of remaining appeals, the country stands at a crossroads. The STF’s actions signal a determination to confront the darkest chapters of recent history, but also raise questions about political reconciliation and the future of democratic institutions. For now, the message from Brazil’s highest court is clear: no one, not even a former president, is above the law.