Since its independence in 1971, Bangladesh has been a nation shaped not only by its civilian leaders but, time and again, by the powerful hand of its military. The Bangladesh Army’s involvement in politics has been anything but peripheral—it has repeatedly stepped beyond the barracks, shaping the country’s political landscape through coups, assassinations, and, most recently, a dramatic intervention that forced Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee the country in August 2024. As Bangladesh now stands at a crossroads, with national elections looming and deep questions about the integrity of its democratic institutions, the shadow of military dominance looms large over its future.
The army’s controversial record began with bloodshed. On August 15, 1975, a group of mid-ranking officers orchestrated the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the nation’s revered founding leader. According to reporting by The Times of India, Major A. K. M. Mohiuddin Ahmed led the operation at Mujib’s home, where the officers killed the prime minister and most of his family members. Guards who attempted to resist were also murdered. In the immediate aftermath, Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, a cabinet minister, seized the presidency with the army’s backing. To shield the assassins, the new regime enacted the infamous Indemnity Ordinance, granting them immunity from prosecution. Many of the killers were rewarded with diplomatic posts and other positions of power, living freely for years without facing justice. This episode set a troubling precedent for the army’s role in politics, raising questions about its ethics and motives.
The pattern of military interference did not stop there. Just a few years later, on May 30, 1981, another president—Ziaur Rahman, himself a former army general—was assassinated by a faction of army officers led by Lieutenant Colonel Matiur Rahman. The attack, which took place at the Circuit House in Chittagong, involved around sixteen officers armed with submachine guns, rocket launchers, and rifles. Unlike the aftermath of Mujib’s assassination, many of the conspirators were swiftly arrested and tried by a military tribunal. Twelve officers were executed, though the trial was criticized for its rushed proceedings and limited defense rights. As The Times of India notes, this episode further underscored the army’s deep entanglement in Bangladesh’s internal power struggles and its willingness to use violence to achieve political ends.
These were not isolated incidents. Bangladesh’s post-independence history is riddled with military coups and attempted coups. After Mujib’s death, two more coups in 1975 culminated in General Ziaur Rahman taking power. In 1982, Lieutenant General Hussain Muhammad Ershad overthrew the civilian government in a bloodless coup, ruling until 1990. The army’s influence did not wane in the new millennium. In 2007, the army chief established a military-backed caretaker government that ruled for two years before elections restored civilian rule. The 2009 Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) mutiny resulted in the deaths of seventy-four people, mostly army officers, and in 2012, the army foiled a coup attempt aimed at introducing Islamic law. Each episode reinforced the military’s entrenched influence and the cycle of political instability that has plagued Bangladesh for decades.
The most recent and perhaps most dramatic episode of military interference unfolded in the summer of 2024. According to forensic examinations by Dhaka Medical College, as reported in The Times of India, security forces—including the Bangladesh Army, police, and paramilitary units—suppressed mass protests with lethal force. Of the approximately 1,400 deaths during these crackdowns, more than three-quarters (78 percent) were caused by firearms exclusive to state forces, not civilians. High-powered automatic and semi-automatic rifles, standard issue to the army and other armed units, accounted for about two-thirds (66 percent) of these fatalities. Shotguns loaded with lethal metal pellets, used by police and paramilitary forces, were responsible for another 12 percent. These findings point to a deliberate, forceful crackdown on civilians, underscoring the army’s brutal involvement in political violence and its decisive role in shaping the crisis.
The culmination of these events came on August 5, 2024, when, under mounting military pressure and amidst mass protests, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled the country. Her departure marked the end of a 16-year rule and laid bare the growing dominance of the military over civilian politics. Rather than defending the elected government, the army sided with the agitations, exposing its pivotal role in the country’s political crisis. As Maj Gen. RPS Bhadauria VSM (Retd) wrote, the army’s unchecked dominance continues to hinder Bangladesh’s stability, accountability, and prospects for a truly democratic future.
The fallout from these events is now being felt in the run-up to the next national election, scheduled for February 2026. Dr. Badiul Alam Majumdar, head of the Election System Reform Commission, addressed the challenges facing Bangladesh’s democracy at a recent shadow parliament debate in Dhaka. According to The Daily Star, Dr. Majumdar stated, “The Election Commission alone cannot ensure a free and fair national election without government support.” He warned, “If political parties resort to muscle power and money games, a good election will not be possible.” His remarks highlight the complex interplay between the Election Commission, the government, and the broader political environment, especially in a context where the military’s influence remains pronounced.
Dr. Majumdar emphasized the importance of holding elections within the announced timeframe and ensuring a level playing field for all parties. He called for responsible actions from not only the Election Commission, but also candidates, voters, civil society, the media, and political parties. He also cautioned that student bodies should not become mere extensions of political muscle, noting that the outcomes of university student union elections could influence national election results. Chairman Hasan Ahmed Chowdhury Kiron, who presided over the debate, echoed these concerns, warning that if elections cannot be held within the declared timeframe, the country could plunge into a grave crisis. He urged all political parties to compromise for the sake of democracy, the country, and the people.
Yet, consensus among political parties remains elusive. They have not reached agreement on several crucial issues, including whether to adopt the traditional or proportional representation (PR) electoral systems. This lack of consensus, combined with the persistent threat of military intervention, casts a long shadow over the prospects for a fair and peaceful election.
Bangladesh’s recent history is a cautionary tale of how unchecked military power can undermine democratic institutions and destabilize a nation. The army’s repeated interference in politics—from the assassinations of national leaders to the suppression of civilian protests—has left deep scars on the country’s democratic fabric. As Bangladesh approaches another critical election, the challenge will be to break this cycle and restore faith in civilian rule, accountability, and the rule of law. The stakes could hardly be higher.