Al-Halabousi Rejects Al-Maliki Nomination Amid Iraq Talks

On February 5, 2026, Iraq found itself once again at a political crossroads as Mohamed al-Halabousi, the former Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament and leader of the Taqadum (Progress) Party, publicly renewed his opposition to the nomination of Nouri al-Maliki for the post of prime minister. In a candid interview with Dijlah TV, al-Halabousi laid bare the deep-seated concerns and political maneuvering that have come to define Iraq's struggle to form a new government—a process that has grown more complex as regional and international actors weigh in.

Al-Halabousi, who has been a prominent figure in Iraqi politics for years, did not mince words about his party’s stance. "Our experience with al-Maliki was bitter for all Iraqis," he stated, as quoted by Dijlah TV. He went on to say, "We want a Shia candidate for the premiership who is open to his partners and the Arab environment, and the Shia have many [such candidates]." According to al-Halabousi, the legacy of al-Maliki’s previous tenure as prime minister still looms large, with unresolved issues from his era affecting the country even a decade later.

"We have not gotten rid of the problems of the al-Maliki era for the past ten years until now, and we need a personality who has connections with the world and the Arab environment. Al-Maliki has problems with everyone, and Iraq needs calm," al-Halabousi said, underlining the widespread anxiety among Iraqis about the nation’s future. He argued that the country must seek a new experience, as people remain deeply concerned about the instability surrounding Iraq.

His reservations about al-Maliki’s leadership were not limited to the past. Al-Halabousi stressed, "Our experience with al-Maliki was bitter, and the Shia's options are respectable, but our fears arise when al-Maliki is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, and we feel the magnitude of the challenges in the world." The implication was clear: al-Maliki’s return could reignite old tensions and complicate Iraq’s already fragile security environment.

Al-Halabousi was careful to clarify his political intentions. "I did not threaten to boycott the political process, but I refused to participate in a government formed by al-Maliki because the American messages are clear about the future of Iraq and the future of Iraqi-American relations. We must look for new options to name the prime minister, and the Americans felt Iranian intervention in installing al-Maliki," he explained. The statement highlights the complicated web of regional influence—particularly from Iran and the United States—that has long shaped Iraqi politics.

The former Speaker also pointed to explicit American opposition to al-Maliki’s nomination. He revealed, "There were American messages that preceded the tweet of President Donald Trump, describing the nomination of al-Maliki to form the new Iraqi government as unacceptable and wrong. They also confirmed: 'We will not stand idly by and will confront the project of nominating al-Maliki by all means.'" This sentiment, according to al-Halabousi, underscores the high stakes involved and the likelihood of external intervention if al-Maliki’s candidacy were to proceed.

Al-Halabousi went further, warning of the consequences if the Shia Coordination Framework pressed ahead with al-Maliki’s nomination. "If the Shia Coordination Framework is determined to confront the Americans, then there is no problem in appointing al-Maliki or a leader from the Popular Mobilization Forces as the next prime minister. There is not a single Arab state nor a single Western state that supports al-Maliki to form the Iraqi government except for Iran." His message was blunt: aside from Iran, al-Maliki enjoys little to no regional or international backing, a reality that could leave Iraq isolated at a critical juncture.

Despite the heated rhetoric, al-Halabousi expressed skepticism that Iraq would reach the point of convening a parliamentary session to assign al-Maliki the premiership. "I do not stand with the Shia against President Donald Trump—this would be disastrous because Iraq needs a prime minister who carries Iraq, not a prime minister who is carried by Iraq," he remarked, emphasizing the need for strong, independent leadership capable of navigating the country through turbulent times.

Behind these pointed remarks lies a broader effort to build consensus and avoid the monopolization of power. Al-Halabousi, in meetings with deputies from the Dujail district, announced that a committee had been formed comprising Iraqi, Arab, and Kurdish parties to select the leadership of the new government. He stressed, "No party should monopolize the government from the viewpoint of the Iraqi people." This coalition-building reflects a recognition that Iraq’s diversity—ethnic, sectarian, and political—demands inclusive governance if stability is to be achieved.

The technical procedures for government formation, al-Halabousi confirmed, are ongoing and involve coordination with American officials, Kurdish and Arab parties, and various Iraqi political factions. He disclosed that an American official responsible for the project is in direct contact with Iraqi leadership and is working to facilitate the process. However, he was keen to note that, "the American official has promised not to interfere in the internal affairs of Iraq and that the Iraqi leadership is committed to forming a government that satisfies the Iraqi people." This assurance aims to address fears of foreign meddling while acknowledging the reality of international involvement in Iraq’s political affairs.

The backdrop to these developments is a nation grappling with the legacy of sectarian conflict, foreign intervention, and years of political deadlock. Al-Maliki, who served as prime minister from 2006 to 2014, remains a polarizing figure. His tenure was marked by allegations of authoritarianism, sectarian favoritism, and a breakdown in relations with both Sunni and Kurdish communities. Many Iraqis, particularly those outside the Shia political establishment, view his potential return with trepidation.

Meanwhile, the Shia Coordination Framework, a powerful bloc within Iraqi politics, continues to push for a Shia-led government, but faces resistance from Sunni and Kurdish leaders as well as from influential actors abroad. The United States, long a key player in Iraq, has made its opposition to al-Maliki’s return clear, citing concerns about renewed instability and increased Iranian influence.

As the process unfolds, the stakes for Iraq could hardly be higher. The country stands at a delicate intersection: the need for inclusive, stable governance is more pressing than ever, yet the path forward is fraught with old rivalries, external pressures, and the persistent risk of political fragmentation. For now, al-Halabousi’s message is one of caution and pragmatism—urging Iraq’s leaders to choose a path that brings calm and unity, rather than reopening old wounds.

With regional and international eyes fixed on Baghdad, the coming weeks may prove decisive for Iraq’s future. Whether the nation can forge a government that reflects its diverse society and addresses the concerns of its people—or succumbs once again to the familiar cycle of division and discord—remains to be seen.